Party Ideology in America: The National Republican Chapter, 1828–1924

1997 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gerring
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Party Ideology

Conventional wisdom states that where ideas and values have mattered in American political life they have usually been the product of a single, overarching political culture. The United States, it is argued, has had political conflict but not ideological conflict. Perhaps nowhere is this premise more noticeable than in the study of political parties. According to Du-verger, “[T]he two parties are rival teams, one occupying office, the other seeking to dislodge it. It is a struggle between the ins and the outs, which never becomes fanatical, and creates no deep cleavage in the country.” Everett Carll Ladd writes, “[T]he need to seek support within an overarching ideological consensus, has historically imposed certain characteristics on the major American parties – social group inclusiveness, accommodationism, a ‘non-ideological’ stance vis-a-vis their principal opponents (which, after all, accept the same ideology).”

The Mythical Man

2008 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Montgomery
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
New Deal ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
The New Deal ◽  
The Welfare State

Jefferson Cowie and Nick Salvatore have offered us two distinct arguments, one persuasive, the other anything but. There is much to be said for their proposition that the political coalitions that instituted New Deal reforms, far from being the historic culmination of an inexorable march from laissez-faire to the welfare state, were fragile and limited from the start and crumbled beyond the possibility of retrieval after 1970. Much more dubious is their contention that the basic explanation of both the limits and the defeat of the New Deal is to be found in a political culture of individualism, which they claim has circumscribed the political life of the United States from the nation's founding to the present.

Party Realignment in the United States and Britain

1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Williams
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Party Realignment ◽  
History Of

Realignment theory is a recent but flourishing sub-branch of the study of American political parties. Over the last thirty years, the original suggestions of its inventor, V. O. Key, have been elaborated and refined in several directions and through several phases, gradually being modified to take variations in historical circumstances more carefully into account. Problems of the same kind often occur, and are likely to prove even less manageable, when efforts are made to apply the theory to another political system and culture as authors from both countries (and from neither) have in recent years tried, more or less explicitly, to use it to explain developments in the British party system. Some techniques travel quite well, and some useful insights can be obtained by looking afresh at familiar patterns in the light of similar experiences elsewhere. But the differences between the two nations and states preclude any rigorous attempt to apply a theory derived from the history of one country with a view to explaining the experiences of the other.

Ahab, American

2012 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan McWilliams
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Common Humanity ◽  
Large Measure ◽  
Moby Dick ◽  
Way Of Thinking

AbstractDespite common portrayals of Ahab as beyond the pale of common humanity, Melville offers much reason in Moby-Dick to regard Ahab as a reflection of ordinary American political life. Two of Ahab's most definitive characteristics—his isolation and his desire for domination—do not differentiate him from the other characters in the book but rather underscore how much he is like them. Among the Pequod's crew in particular, those traits are the rule rather than the exception, a fact that helps to explain why the crew members are so quick to adopt Ahab's way of thinking: in large measure, it is already their own. Along these lines, looking at Ahab as a representative American man makes it possible to better understand Melville's true anxieties about the prospects for democratic flourishing in the United States.

scholarly journals Review Essay: Whither Realignment?

1991 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 137-150
Author(s):  
Harold F. Bass
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Popular Discourse ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Units ◽  
American Political Science

The “realignment era” in American political science began thirtyfive years ago, when Key (1955) proposed “A Theory of Critical Elections.” In his wake, realignment scholarship has proliferated far and wide (Bass 1991). The concept of realignment pervades contemporary scholarship on American political parties. The “textbook” treatment of the history of party competition in the United States posits periodic realigning elections that substantially alter group bases of party coalitions and establish enduring party systems. The initial analytical focus of the party in the electorate now extends to the party in government, linking elections with public policy. Since political parties constitute central integrating institutions in the political process, realignment has become a key conceptual lens for viewing and interpreting the whole of American political life. Indeed, it has escaped the bounds of scholarship and entered into popular discourse. Further, as subjects of realignment studies, the United States and its component political units now compete with numerous non-American systems.

Party Reform as Failed Democratic Renewal in the United States, 1968–1972

1996 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Plotke
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Subsequent Discussion ◽  
Made In

Between 1968 and 1972, with political conflict in America unusually high, major changes were made in rules for consituting Democratic national conventions and selecting Democratic candidates. Basic issues about the practical meaning of democratic commitments were sharply contested, and debates about party organization proved vigorous and substantial. The reforms enacted aimed partly to enhance participation and restore public respect for political life. They did not escape criticism. In fact, critics of reform became the dominant voice in subsequent discussion of what happened to the Democratic party and to party politics in the United States more generally.

scholarly journals Trends in Employment at US Colleges and Universities, 1987–2013

2016 ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter L. Hinrichs
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
The Other ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Popular Belief ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Over Time

This Economic Commentary studies employment at colleges and universities in the United States between 1987 and 2013. Some of the results from this analysis are in line with conventional wisdom. For example, I document that a declining proportion of faculty are full-time employees. On the other hand, some of the results are counter to popular belief. For example, I find that the share of college employees who are executives, administrators, or managers has not changed appreciably over time.

Divided Loyalties

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Goodall
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Other ◽  
Mccarthy Era ◽  
Single Instance ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
Palmer Raids ◽  
Industrial Crisis

This chapter focuses on how the Palmer Raids of the winter of 1919–20 were the most draconian single instance of federal repression in the United States' peacetime history. Nothing in the McCarthy era can compare to the mass arrests and beatings, arbitrary incarcerations, and summary deportations that took place in dozens of cities across the nation. Capping off a year of industrial crisis, foreign insecurity, and political conflict, they helped solidify the divisions of the war years, institutionalizing them in an underground communist movement on one side and new patriotic organizations on the other. Given the power of the repressive politics that arised between 1917 and 1920, it is a surprising and problematic fact that the national Republican administrations of the 1920s saw no new countersubversive policies developed.

A Discussion of Russell Muirhead and Nancy L. Rosenblum’s A Lot of People Are Saying: The New Conspiracism and the Assault on Democracy

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 1150-1151
Author(s):  
James A. Morone
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Life ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
White House ◽  
Half Century ◽  
New Form ◽  
Paranoid Style

Charge: More than a half-century ago, Richard Hofstadter identified the “paranoid style” as an important feature of American politics. However, in A Lot of People are Saying, Russell Muirhead and Nancy L. Rosenblum argue that a “new” form of conspiracism has begun to infect contemporary American political life. Whereas “old” conspiracy theorists sought hidden evidence to describe why things are not as they seem, Muirhead and Rosenblum argue that purveyors of the new conspiracism make no attempt to substantiate their theories. In light of this fact-free approach, the authors thus warn that contemporary conspiracy theorists pose an unprecedented danger to foundational elements of American democracy, including political parties and knowledge-producing institutions. Moreover, Muirhead and Rosenblum assert, “The new conspiracism moved into the White House with the inauguration of Donald Trump” (p. 1), “the conspiracist in chief” (p. ix). If there is merit to this argument, then the fate of Trump’s reelection bid carries monumental consequences for the future of American democracy, as well as the way in which the United States responds to the unprecedented coronavirus pandemic. We therefore asked a range of scholars to comment on Muirhead’s and Rosenblum’s bold set of claims.

Working With Interpreters to Support Students Who Are English Language Learners

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (16) ◽  
pp. 15-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henriette W. Langdon ◽  
Terry Irvine Saenz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
English Language Learners ◽  
Language Learners ◽  
English Language ◽  
First Language ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Primary Language ◽  
Second Best ◽  
Support Students

The number of English Language Learners (ELL) is increasing in all regions of the United States. Although the majority (71%) speak Spanish as their first language, the other 29% may speak one of as many as 100 or more different languages. In spite of an increasing number of speech-language pathologists (SLPs) who can provide bilingual services, the likelihood of a match between a given student's primary language and an SLP's is rather minimal. The second best option is to work with a trained language interpreter in the student's language. However, very frequently, this interpreter may be bilingual but not trained to do the job.

Armed Violence in the Ideology of Contemporary Islamic Fundamentalism - Study models

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Laith Mzahim Khudair Kazem
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Important Means ◽  
Armed Violence ◽  
Goals And Objectives ◽  
At Home

The armed violence of many radical Islamic movements is one of the most important means to achieve the goals and objectives of these movements. These movements have legitimized and legitimized these violent practices and constructed justification ideologies in order to justify their use for them both at home against governments or against the other Religiously, intellectually and even culturally, or abroad against countries that call them the term "unbelievers", especially the United States of America.

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