Project Modernity: From Anticolonialism to Decolonization

This chapter considers anti-colonial and postcolonial movements as modernizing and globalizing, particularly the three main streams: nationalist, Marxist, and Islamist. Nationalist and Marxist movements convere with the Western project, as represented in their vocabulary and emphasis on development, science, and self-determination. All anti-colonial and postcolonial societies have faced the task of reimagining their history. Education has played a key role, as both a product of colonial history and a response to it. The Islamic movements of interest to us represent a more versatile narrative. Led by leaders such as Qutb in Egypt and Ilyas in India and though grounded in anti-modern and anti-Western principles, these movements mostly evolved to embody modern and contemporary civic and political models.

The Art of Resistance in Islam

Based on first-hand ethnographic insights into Shi'i religious groups in the Middle East and Europe , this book examines women's resistance to state as well as communal and gender power structures. It offers a new transnational approach to understanding gender agency within contemporary Islamic movements expressed through language, ritual practices, dramatic performances , posters and banners. By looking at the aesthetic performance of the political on the female body through Shi'i ritual practices – an aspect that has previously been ignored in studies on women's acts of resistance -, Yafa Shanneik shows how women play a central role in redefining sectarian and gender power relations both in the Middle East and in the European diaspora.

Islamic Constitutionalism: Social Movement and the Framework of the Indonesian Constitution

The main purpose of this article is to discuss Islamic constitutionalism in the context of Indonesian social movements. Constitutionalism is part of the study of constitutional law when the discussion focuses on the concept of limiting the power of the government. Using historical and sociological approaches, this article examines socio-political circumstances in Muslim society and their relationship to the spirit of constitutionalism in Indonesia. Indonesia does not explicitly name any particular religion in its Constitution, even though most of its population is Muslim. After a series of constitutional reforms over 1999– 2002, there was no formalization of Islam in the Constitution. Two important academic questions arise when dealing with this phenomenon. First, to what extent are Indonesia’s religious social movements involved in constructing the narrative of constitutionalism? Second, how do the spirit of constitutionalism and Islam play a role in strengthening Indonesia’s Constitution? This article notes that some Muslims in Indonesia have been striving to build a narrative of Islamic constitutionalism through social movements since the nation’s pre- independence era. Nevertheless, this Islamic constitutionalism has not resulted in the formalization of an Islamic constitution in Indonesia due to several factors: the historical roots of the nation’s establishment, the pluralist stance of Indonesia’s mainstream civil Islamic movements, and the presence of the Pancasila as the state ideology. This article also reveals that Indonesia’s Muslim majority and religious authorities play a role in building the spirit of constitutionalism; however, the formalization of a specific religion as the basis of the constitution has never been realized in Indonesia.

The Islamist Challenge in the Greater Mediterranean

The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more influential movement Muslim Brotherhood (forbidden in Russia) are discovered. The factor of the Arab Spring, which considerably influenced the strengthening of the Islamist movements, as well as its continuation of the protests in the Arab countries in 2018-2021, is examined. The main attention is allotted to analyzing the actions of the Islamic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts too. The influence of external actors, the most active of which was Turkey, is revealed. The author also analyzes the situation in the Arab-Muslim communities in the European Mediterranean on the example of France, where social-economic problems, aggravated by COVID-19, have contributed to the activation of radical Islamist elements. It is concluded that confronting the Islamist challenge is a complex and controversial task. Its solution depends on both forceful opposition to radical groups and an appropriate foreign policy. An important negative factor is the aggravation of socio-economic problems and crisis phenomena in the institutions of Western democracy, in response to which the ideologues of Islamism preach an alternative world order in the form of an Islamic state. At the moment the Western society and the countries which repeat its liberal model do not give a distinct response to this challenge.

Islamic Parties between Sacred and Profane: Transformation of the Concept of Party in the Muslim Political Discourse

The article is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of the concept of Islamic party in the Muslim political discourse. Considering the processes of separation of Islam and politics as the formation of independent communication systems, the authors try to find an answer to the question of how, despite doctrinal restrictions, the notion “Islamic party” managed to acquire the features of a stable political concept. The authors propose a hypothesis, according to which, as the socio-political modernization of the Arab countries proceeds, the political system appropriates this concept, thereby specifying Islamic values at the level that allows to combine these values with new power institutions and fulfill specific political actions with these values. To test this hypothesis, the authors turn to the analysis of the temporal structure of the concept of party in Quran (Sunnah), the texts of the first ideologues of the Muslim Brotherhood and the rhetoric of the modern Islamic movements that occupy stable positions in the national parliaments. As a result of the study, the authors document the polysemantics inherent in the Islamic doctrine and identify the main parameters of the temporalization and pragmatization of the concept. According to their conclusion, the Islamic parties’ abandonment of Quranic time and placement in the national-historical contexts, as well as the erosion of their initial core values, determine the mo dern perception and functional significance of such parties: they act as an institution that differentiates Islamic norms and ensures their combination with the institutions of the nation state that emerged in the process of moder nization.

Rescuing the Muslim collective self: the Nur case in light of the Modern Muslim Subjectivities Project

There is a tendency in the literature to emphasise how contemporary Islamic movements promote ways of living a pious Muslim life alternative to those proposed by secular liberal modernity. For this reason, the domains of religious and civic engagement have often been thought of as opposed to each other. In counterpoint to this tendency, the paper explores the intertwining of national views about mass education and modern citizenship with a renewed Islamic emphasis on the need for moral and ethical reform of society within the Nur movement in modern Turkey. Methodologically, the paper draws upon ethnographic material from research conducted in 2010 on the Suffa community in Istanbul, as well as on an account of the life and projects of the leader of the movement, Said Nursi, mainly drawn from secondary sources. This case is explored in light of the theories of successive modernities that inspired the analytical framework for the Modern Muslim Subjectivities Project applied in this special issue. In so doing, it illustrates the complex nexus that Nursi established between long-standing views of Islamic ethics and modern perspectives on education and civic engagement in response to the emergence of the modern nation-state in the first half of the 20th century.

The History of Moslem Intellectuals: A Case Study at UIn Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta

This study aimed to explain that the intellectual community who studied at and was born from the state Institute of Islamic Studies Syarif Hidayatullah (IAIN Jakarta) in the 1970s to 1985 were the second-generation intellectuals who had their own characteristics. As the study was library research, the data collection was done by examining deeply the written documents or literatures that were relevant with the problems being investigated. The obtained data were then qualitatively analyzed by comparing and connecting the existing variables; and inferences were drawn from the findings to get an ideal concept of building a good national and state life based on the Islamic substantial values. The results of the study showed that second generation intellectuals became international intellectuals as Islamic historians in Southeast Asia, theologians, political or socio-economic analysts, and activists of Islamic movements. The study also pointed out that it was not only the first generation that made the second generation successful in their career and studies, but many factors on and off campus contributed significantly, and affect the next generations continuously from time to time. Evidently, in their development, discussion activities of intra-or extra campus organizations, talked not only about Islam but also political issues, such as the old order government policies. The study concluded that the second generation of IAIN Jakarta Intellectual community played many roles in Islamic studies in national and international level. It suggested that studies on the same topis with different points of views are still necessary to conduct.

Sufism Between Asceticism and Jihad: A Conceptual and Historical Review

In the picture of ordinary people, Sufism teaches Zuhud and distances itself from the world in theory and practice. But this is different from reality. Sufism orders in the archipelago also appeared in the vanguard to fight and repel the invaders. The history of Islamic civilization records a series of resistance movements led by Sheikh Sufism with his followers to fight against the Dutch colonialists. For this to become evident to us, we must examine some of their words and actions: Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali wrote his book (Reviving the Sciences of Religion) during the period of the Crusaders victory over the Levant, and the author remembered everything from the works of hearts and did not remember to write a chapter on jihad. We conducted literature studies and verified and interpreted the descriptions in the literature. With a descriptive analysis, the approach is obtained. The conceptual ambiguity that afflicted Sufism regarding the concepts of jihad and the application of Islamic law" played a major role in the emergence of some analyses that suggest Sufism playing a safe alternative to extremist Islamic movements. Therefore, in this article, we try to answer a complex question, which is the degree of The link between the Sufi orders and the concepts of jihad and the application of Islamic law, and is it possible for the Sufi orders to adopt a form of political violence to implement their goals?

THE DEVELOPMENT OF RADICAL ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS AND THE IMPORTANCE OF ANTI-RADICALISM EDUCATION AT THE HIGH SCHOOL LEVEL IN INDONESIA

<p>Radicalism is a challenge and concern for the world, including the Muslim community in Indonesia. The radicalism movement is evidenced by the existence of violence in achieving its goals in political, religious, social, educational, and economic matters. In the world of education in Indonesia, violence, and intimidation still often occurs so that anti-radicalism education is needed which can be realized through the teaching process, especially at the high school level. Anti-radicalism education requires humans to respect each other's differences and make peace according to the Al-Quran and Hadith guidelines which are integrated through education. For this reason, the analysis in this article is descriptive qualitative with an approach using the library method which aims to understand the history of the development of the Islamic radicalism movement and Islamic solutions to overcome the problems of religious radicalism and terrorism by implementing anti-radicalism education. Besides, this article will describe some of the terminology and examples of the influence of the Islamic radical movement at the senior high school. In Indonesia, the emergence of Islamic radicalism is based on three factors, namely developments at the global level, namely the radical group from the Middle Eastern. Second, the widespread of Wahhabi has led to conflict. And the third is poverty. The field of education also has an impact on Islamic radicalism, which can be from teachers to students, the influence of technological sophistication, the influence of Wahhabi understanding, poverty, even the materials in student worksheets and books also contain many radical values. Therefore, anti-radicalism education is very important because it can require the younger generation to respect differences, humans who love compassion, and humans who hate doing damage. Efforts to overcome radicalism at high school levels can be done with character education</p>

The Hamas Movement: Ideology vs. Pragmatism

This study aims to present the Hamas Movement, its ideology and pragmatism. With progress and modernization, the Islamic movements in the Middle East realized that they could not deny progress, so they decided to join the mainstream and take advantage of technological progress in their favor. The movement maintains at least one website in which it publishes its way, and guides the audience. Although these movements seem to maintain a rigid ideology, they adapt themselves to reality with the help of many tools, because they have realized that reality is stronger than they are. In conclusions: the rise of the Islamist movements as a leading social and political force in the Middle East is the result of the bankruptcy of nationalism, secularism and the left in the Arab world, which created an ideological vacuum, which is filled to a large extent by the fundamentalists, ensuring that Islam is the solution. It is not only about the extent of the return to religion, but about the transformation of religion into a major political factor both by the regimes and by the opposition. These are political movements that deal first and foremost with the social and political mobilization of the masses, and they exert pressure to apply the Islamic law as the law of the state instead of the legal systems taken from the Western model. Islam is a belief rooted in the consciousness of the masses and deeply ingrained in Egyptian culture. In Israel, the situation is different, modernization and democracy also affects Israeli Arabs. Therefore, it is possible that Islam is not so deeply rooted in the culture of the Arab citizens of Israel, they are aware of the possibility of a different path other than Islam. The movements have developed over time tools that enable them to cope with reality. The religious law in Islam allows flexibility in organizing community life, Shari’a is adapted to reality because of the ruler's ability to canonize legislation and flexibility in political life according to principles such as sabra and long-term goals, to compromise with reality and find temporary solutions, as well as religious scholars who provide fatwas and commentaries on every subject.