Ruling Oneself Out: A Theory of Collective Abdications. By Ivan Ermakoff. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008. 440p. $99.95 cloth, $27.95 paper.

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-165
Author(s):  
Ioannis D. Evrigenis

“Why would a group legitimize its own subservience and, in doing so, abdicate its capacity for self-preservation?” is the question asked at the start of Ruling Oneself Out (p. xi). Focusing on the Center Party's vote for the enabling act of March 1933, which gave Hitler the right to amend the Weimar constitution, and on the Vichy parliament's vote to grant full powers to Marshal Philippe Pétain in 1940, Ivan Ermakoff studies how these decisions looked to the actors themselves, and finds that the pervasive uncertainty that characterized the situation leading up to each vote, and the actors' tendency to look to their peers for guidance, complicate monocausal accounts of groups marching to their death. Many prevalent attempts to explain these seemingly inexplicable collective actions tend to emphasize coercion, miscalculation, and collusion. Each of these explanations has its merits, and some are more persuasive than others. Yet each has its problems. Coercion, for example, which is the most compelling explanation of the lot, might lead one to expect those threatened to submit, yet fear just as often causes consolidation and vigorous collective resistance to the challenger.

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felipe Milanez ◽  
Spensy K. Pimentel ◽  
Antônia Melo ◽  
Kum’Tum Akroa Gamella ◽  
Alessandra Korap Munduruku ◽  
...  

Abstract This article brings the transcription and revision of the roundtable discussion held at the III Latin American Congress of Political Ecology, which aimed to debate different experiences of collective struggles against projects of extraction of natural resource, with the participation of indigenous leaders, traditional communities and activist intellectuals. The narratives shares experiences in processes in which there was collective resistance to extractive-colonial projects and the right to say “no” was put into practice. In general, the presentations discussed the right to say no that emerges beyond the right to consultation, and that has as its assumption the guarantee of collective autonomy over life territories.


Author(s):  
Veljanovski Cento

This chapter assesses damages actions for competition infringement. The Damages Directive sets out a common legal basis across the EU for the right of those harmed by a competition infringement to sue and quantification of damages. It has been transposed into the UK and incorporated as Schedule 8A of the Competition Act 1989. The Damages Directive gives the national courts the power to estimate the overcharge; requires the European Commission to issue guidelines on the quantification of overcharges and on ‘pass-on to’; and advises that the national courts can request assistance from a willing national competition authority where appropriate to determine quantum. In English law, the position is that damages are compensatory and aim to place the victim in the position they would have been had they not been injured so far as monetary compensation can. There are several heads or types of damages that have so far been claimed: overcharge damages; lost volume or lost profit damages; run-on damages; umbrella damages; cost-based damages; future losses, lost chance, and lost opportunity damages; and aggregate damages in collective actions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 151-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didem Özkiziltan ◽  
Aziz Çelik

AbstractThe 1961 constitutional reform in Turkey recognized the right to strike and granted other rights and freedoms related to the collective actions of labor. Conventional wisdom holds that Turkish trade unions became independent of the state power with class-based interests only after this reform. Across mainstream literature, this is considered, in historical institutionalist terms, as the first critical juncture in Turkey's industrial relations. This paper provides a critical account of the institutional continuity, development, and change that took place in Turkey's industrial relations starting from its establishment as a republic in 1923 until the end of the 1950s, by considering the socioeconomic and legal-political environment during these years. Considering the historical evidence employed, and under historical institutionalism, it is argued that the first critical juncture in the country's industrial relations occurred in 1947, when the ruling cliques permitted the establishment of trade unions. In this paper, it is purported that the consensus reached by the trade unions on the necessity of the right to strike from the mid-1950s onwards initiated a peaceful class struggle between Turkish labor and the state, which gradually steered the industrial relations toward the second critical juncture following the promulgation of the 1961 constitution.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Malmberg

The Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ) has made it clear that collective action taken by trade unions under certain circumstances might violate the freedom of services and the right of establishment under the Treaty (Articles 49 and 56 TFEU). However, the Court has not addressed the issue of which remedies are to be available against a trade union arranging such an ‘EU-unlawful’ collective action. This question was dealt with by the Swedish Labour Court (Arbetsdomstolen) in its final judgment in December 2009. The article discusses this judgment and presents an alternative understanding of the EU law requirements concerning remedies for EU-unlawful collective actions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 181878 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lise Hobeika ◽  
Marine Taffou ◽  
Isabelle Viaud-Delmon

Multisensory integration of stimuli occurring in the area surrounding our bodies gives rise to the functional representation of peripersonal space (PPS). PPS extent is flexible according to the affective context and the target of an action, but little is known about how social context modulates it. We used an audiotactile interaction task to investigate PPS of individuals during social interaction. Participants had to detect as fast as possible a tactile stimulus while task-irrelevant looming sounds were presented, while they were paired as collaborative dyads and as competitive dyads. We also measured PPS in participants seated near an inactive individual. PPS boundaries were modulated only when participants collaborated with a partner, in the form of an extension on the right hemispace and independently of the location of the partner. This suggests that space processing is modified during collaborative tasks. During collective actions, a supra-individual representation of the space of action could be at stake in order to adapt our individual motor control to an interaction as a group with the external world. Reassessing multisensory integration in the light of its potential social sensitivity might reveal that low-level mechanisms are modified by the need to interact with others.


2021 ◽  
pp. e20210031
Author(s):  
Fakhri Haghani

A publicity tool during the Iran–Iraq war (1980–1988), the cinema of the post-war period in Iran was expected to uphold Islamic, ethical, and symbolic values idealized by the government as defa’-e moghaddas (the sacred defense). The war film genre, which was launched during this period to promote these values, exclusively addressed the presence of men on the front lines. It barely made on-screen references to the role of women. Focusing on the gender dynamics of self-sacrifice and drawing on genres such as drama and melodrama, certain filmmakers used cinemay-e ejtema’i (the social cinema) to translate this ideal to the struggles back home. These films turned the gaze of the camera toward the hidden life of mazlooman (the oppressed). They thus shifted the meaning of defa’-e moghaddas and addressed socio-psychological suffering, oppressive cultural practices (‘ orf), and unjust legal codes of qisas (retaliation) as contradictory to Islam’s teachings on and cultivation of love, justice, and righteousness among ommat (the Islamic community). Focusing on the Iranian poetic vision of hamdeli va mehrvarzi (camaraderie and love from knowing the other), this essay traces affective states including affinity in struggle, rage, anger, and resistance. Linking instances of these states with Western feminist scholarship on the theory of affect, I discuss the cinematic process of claiming “the right to look” (Mirzoeff, Nicholas, The Right to Look: A Counterhistory of Visuality. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011).


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klára Hamuľáková

Summary The paper deals with the questions of funding of collective actions. Proper funding has significant influence on the right to the access to the court and is a precondition for the efficient course of litigation in general, specifically in connection with a collective redress. Funding of class actions is also closely related with other issues such as costs and lawyer’s fees, reimbursement of legal costs and moreover.


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-260
Author(s):  
Henry R. Huttenbach

Don—by which name I knew him since I became his graduate student in 1956—belonged to a rare breed of academicians: he was a devout man for whom the personal adventure of life and human history in its totality had a moral dimension; in his quest for understanding himself and others, there was always an underlying moral drama; there was not just the realm of the true and the false but also a fundamental layer of the right and the wrong. For Don, there was always the issue of good and evil. In the end, men and women, the lofty, such as Stolypin (about whom he wrote insightfully), and the humble, such as the Russian peasants in Siberia (to whom he also gave considerable scholarly attention), all were accountable for their individual and collective actions. We are all free moral agents, he observed, including Lenin (about whose early political struggles he wrote brilliantly). It is a perspective Don never abandoned as the Soviet Union dissolved into the amorphous and morally complex post-Soviet era, a characteristic which qualified Don as a persistent humanist. The individual human person endowed with the capacity to sustain immutable moral values was Don's ultimate interest as an historian and teacher.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-214
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Piotrowski

The threats to democracy from populist political projects are more and more often commented on and analyzed around the world. The Polish case is not an exception as there are numerous scholarly papers on the changes in public discourse, politics, democratic institutions and the like. The case of civil society is, however, sometimes overlooked and downplayed in this stream of thought. This article looks at the recent reconfigurations within the sphere of civil society in Poland as well as in the ways this sector of activities is conceptualized and analyzed by scholars and commentators alike. This approach stems from understanding civil society in Poland as a political project, a process begun around the transition of 1989, but that also had political meaning during the years of consolidation of democracy. Only the recent reconfiguration and accumulation of power and consequent shift in politics and public discourse to the right has resulted - among other things - in higher levels of activism among citizens and politicization of numerous topics. The observed higher levels of citizen engagement have pushed some observers and scholars to re-define the concept of civil society in Poland and to include within it forms of activism previously excluded. With the numerous and often politicized collective actions of Poles - such as nationalist activism, urban activism, and participation in street protests - not only is the concept of civil society being stretched but also some previously used distinctions, such as the notion of ‘uncivil society’, are no longer in use.


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