The Geography of Revolutionary Art

Slavic Review ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (4) ◽  
pp. 957-964
Author(s):  
Mayhill C. Fowler
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Cultural Center ◽  
Soviet Art ◽  
Revolutionary Art ◽  
Revolutionary Period ◽  
Radical Shift

This article argues that a focus on Ukraine challenges the general understanding of culture in the revolutionary period, which either focuses on artists working in Moscow making Soviet art, or on non-Russian (Ukrainian, Jewish or Polish) artists in the regions making “national” art. Neither paradigm captures the radical shift in infrastructure during the imperial collapse and civil war. Placing the regions at the center of analysis highlights how Kyiv was an important cultural center during the period for later artistic developments in Europe and in the USSR. It shows that revolutionary culture is fundamentally wartime culture. Finally, the article argues that peripheral visions are central to a full geography of culture in order to trace how cultural infrastructures collapse and are re-constituted.

SOUTHERN IRISH NATIONALISM AS A HISTORICAL PROBLEM

2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN M. REGAN
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Public History ◽  
The South ◽  
Irish Nationalism ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
Revolutionary Period

To what extent has the recent war in Northern Ireland influenced Irish historiography? Examining the nomenclature, periodization, and the use of democracy and state legitimization as interpretative tools in the historicization of the Irish Civil War (1922–3), the influence of a southern nationalist ideology is apparent. A dominating southern nationalist interest represented the revolutionary political elite's realpolitik after 1920, though its pan-nationalist rhetoric obscured this. Ignoring southern nationalism as a cogent influence has led to the misrepresentation of nationalism as ethnically homogeneous in twentieth-century Ireland. Once this is identified, historiographical and methodological problems are illuminated, which may be demonstrated in historians' work on the revolutionary period (c. 1912–23). Following the northern crisis's emergence in the late 1960s, the Republic's Irish governments required a revised public history that could reconcile the state's violent and revolutionary origins with its counterinsurgency against militarist-republicanism. At the same time many historians adopted constitutional, later democratic, state formation narratives for the south at the expense of historical precision. This facilitated a broader state-centred and statist historiography, mirroring the Republic's desire to re-orientate its nationalism away from irredentism, toward the conscious accommodation of partition. Reconciliation of southern nationalist identities with its state represents a singular political achievement, as well as a concomitant historiographical problem.

Tending to the “Native Word”: Teachers and the Soviet Campaign for Ukrainian-Language Schooling, 1923–1930

2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew D. Pauly
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Educational System ◽  
Qualitative Change ◽  
Language Of Instruction ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Juvenile Population ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Language Schools ◽  
Revolutionary Period

In the 1920s, the Ukrainian Commissariat of Education and a circle of progressive educators aimed to radically transform the educational system in Ukraine, and, as a consequence, the skills and mentality of its graduates. To do this, they would have to teach students in a language they understood. For nearly three-quarters of the juvenile population of Ukraine, this meant instruction in Ukrainian. Although this may have sounded like a simple proposition, it was not. Throughout the pre-revolutionary period, schools had educated Ukrainian children in Russian, and teachers, regardless of their ethnicity, were trained and accustomed to teaching in it. Pre-revolutionary publications, still widely used in Soviet schools, and even the early Soviet primers were overwhelmingly written in Russian. Ukrainian national leaders had made an attempt to set up a network of Ukrainian-language schools during the country's short-lived period of independence, but their attempts were disrupted by the chaos of civil war and the fall of successive governments. It was under Soviet patronage that the “Ukrainization” of the schools reached its greatest extent; however, it was an achievement that required effort, and real qualitative change in the language of instruction was gradual.

The Royal Navy and the Irish Civil War

1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (121) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
John Linge
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Political Control ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
Early Course ◽  
Treaty Ports ◽  
Armed Services ◽  
Revolutionary Period ◽  
Irish Politics

Historical study of the Irish Civil War of 1922–3 has hitherto concentrated overwhelmingly on internal matters — the actual internecine struggle on the ground for ideological and political control. While the value of this approach is obvious, it has inevitably failed to focus on the continuing role of the British armed services; furthermore, an exclusive concern with land-army affairs, whether Irish or British, must result in a distorted picture. It is thus particularly unfortunate that the activities of the Royal Navy during the revolutionary period have been largely neglected. Here it is hoped to demonstrate that the Royal Navy, beyond its expected role of gun-running prevention, did have an influence on the early course of the Civil War, an influence that was, in part, determined by the wider protection of imperial interests once British troops had withdrawn from the localities in May 1922. The fragmentation of southern Irish politics and society, in the wake of the treaty settlement of December 1921, came as a genuine surprise to the Admiralty. At the time, it had taken the promise of peace at face value, making it known that, pending negotiations on certain properties and signal stations, it had little future interest in Ireland provided the three southern ‘treaty ports’ (Cóbh/Queenstown, Berehaven and Lough Swilly) were safeguarded and visiting rights upheld. In such circumstances, there was seen to be no need for the standard Irish Patrol of three destroyers, naval forces being ‘ultimately’ reduced to just two fishery protection vessels. Nor, as future area command was to pass to C.-in-C. Plymouth, was there technical need or political advisability in the retention of the two flag officer commands at Buncrana (C.-in-C. Western Approaches) and Kingstown (Dún Laoghaire).

scholarly journals SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF NAZHMUDDIN GOTSINSKY (1859-1925)

2018 ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
Imanutdin Kh. Sulaev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
The North ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Spiritual Leader ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
Social Views ◽  
Revolutionary Period

The author tries to analyze the socio-political views of one of the authoritative religious and public figures of the North Caucasus and Daghestan in the first quarter of the 20th century - a mufti-imam Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky basing on the published works of different years, memoirs of the participants in the revolution and the Civil War, archival documents. The author analyzes the views of N. Gotsinsky through his key speeches, sermons and proclamations of 1917-1918. Nazhmuddin Gozinsky is a famous politician and spiritual leader, chairman of the Spiritual Council of the Union of United Mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan. He was one of the leaders of the counter-revolutionary movement in Dagestan in 1917-1921. On the basis of the studied materials the author draws a conclusion that social and political and social views of Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky reflected all contradictions of the revolutionary period and tragedy of the Civil war.

scholarly journals “Propaganda for peace”: a Gramscian reading of Irish and Spanish Civil War photography

2021 ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
Nina White
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Visual Language ◽  
War Photography ◽  
Catholic Faith ◽  
Cultural Compatibility ◽  
Intervention Policy ◽  
Organic Intellectual ◽  
Revolutionary Period ◽  
Ruling Party

At the outset of the Spanish Civil War, Ireland’s ruling party were faced with the challenge of maintaining political hegemony. Revealing the old fault lines of the Irish Civil War, the opposition cast the government’s Non-intervention policy as pro-Communist and anti-Catholic; a refusal to support Spanish insurgents in what was perceived by the majority as their defence of the Catholic faith. Following McNally, this paper utilises Gramsci’s theory of hegemony to explore political equilibrium in the contexts of the Irish and Spanish conflicts. The notion of the “organic intellectual” enables a Gramscian reading of war photography, finding common visual language in the works of Robert Capa and W.D. Hogan as they contributed to national and transnational projects of hegemony. Through such a reading, the author finds cultural compatibility between the conflicts and casts the Irish revolutionary period in new international light.

scholarly journals The Struggle in the East: Opposition Politics in Siberia, 1918

1998 ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Susan Rupp
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Political Center ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Revolutionary Period

In comparison with the events of 1917, the Russian Civil War has been little studied, resulting in a problematic historiography that depicts the war as a struggle between Reds and Whites, with the opposition to the Bolsheviks reduced to reactionary officers and restorationist political forces. Soviet historians long made a virtual industry out of studying the civil war, but their work was most often distorted by the constraints of Marxist theory and party orthodoxy. Most Western studies of the political opposition focus on a single party and are often limited to the period prior to the outbreak of the civil war. Over the last decade, dramatic political changes in the former Soviet Union, accompanied by the opening of previously inaccessible archives, have spurred renewed interest in the revolutionary period and the various political groups active during that time. This examination of the opposition in Siberia prior to the Kolchak coup in November 1918 addresses a seldom explored chapter of the civil war and reveals the divisions among the forces of the political center, particularly the fracture between moderate socialists and erstwhile liberals, which fatally undermined the viability of a democratic alternative to the Bolshevik regime.

Power Sharing and Democracy in Post-Civil War States

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline A. Hartzell ◽  
Matthew Hoddie
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Power Sharing
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