Moral disengagement in war and peace: Portugal and the United States

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariana Barbosa ◽  
Carla Machado ◽  
Raquel Matos ◽  
Mi-Sung Kim ◽  
Ting Wu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Moral Disengagement ◽  
The United States ◽  
War And Peace

Moral disengagement and invasion: Peru, Lebanon, and the United States

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanvi Zaveri ◽  
Michael Toohey ◽  
Michael J. Stevens ◽  
Eros Desouza ◽  
Rouba Youssef ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Moral Disengagement ◽  
The United States

scholarly journals The Secret Life of Statutes: A Century of the Trading with the Enemy Act

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Coates
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
The United States ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
American Power ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Law ◽  
National Emergency ◽  
American State

In 1917 Congress passed the Trading with the Enemy Act to prevent trade with Germany and the Central Powers. It was a wartime law designed for wartime conditions but one that, over the course of the following century, took on a secret, surprising life of its own. Eventually it became the basis for a project of worldwide economic sanctions applied by the United States at the discretion of the president during times of both war and peace. This article traces the history of the law in order to explore how the expansion of American power in the twentieth century required a transformation of the American state and the extensive use of executive powers justified by repeated declarations of national emergency.

Distribution of Powers between an International Government and the Governments of National States

1943 ◽  
Vol 37 (5) ◽  
pp. 862-872
Author(s):  
Arnold Brecht
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The World ◽  
Good Will ◽  
Distribution Of Powers ◽  
Big Four ◽  
Good Purpose

Universal feeling seems to converge upon the postulate that after this war an International Government shall be formed to control war and peace of the world, and that the United States shall take full share in it. This dual demand is considered a fundamental platform on which all men of good-will can meet. There is a far-spread tendency, however, to postpone inquiries into its exact meaning and implications. This vagueness may have merits for winning popular support. It has none in preparing for final action. It may even defeat the movement's purpose, because little may come from the longing for International Government, unless details are well prepared in advance. Or, built with a marble façade on shaky foundations, International Government may lead to disaster rather than avert it.None of the United Nations—at least none of the “Big Four”—has thus far given up its sovereignty. For this very reason, no insurmountable difficulty may lie in the way of continuing their alliance to some good purpose after the war, and gradually extending it to other nations. That is still a far cry, however, from the establishment of an International Government which, distinct from the governments of its constituent members, should have the power to take consequential steps independently. If we stake our hopes on this latter type, we must answer the question of how shall the powers be divided between the International Government and the governments of the national states? In passing through the immense flood of discussions on International Government, it is amazing to see how scant are the contributions to this question.

Mythologies Without End

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerome Slater
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Entire History ◽  
Historical Truth ◽  
The Cold War

Every nation has narratives or stories it tells itself about its history but which typically contain factually false or misleading mythologies that often result in devastating consequences for itself and for others. In the case of Israel and its indispensable ally, the United States, the central mythology is “the Arabs never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity,” as the Israeli diplomat Abba Eban famously said in a 1973 statement that has been widely quoted ever since. However, the historical truth is very nearly the converse: it is Israel and the United States that have repeatedly lost or deliberately dismissed many opportunities to reach fair compromise settlements of the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. The book reexamines the entire history of the conflict from its onset at the end of World War I through today. Part I begins with a reconsideration of Zionism and then examines the origins and early years of the Arab-Israeli state conflict. One chapter is devoted to the question of what accounts for the nearly unconditional US support of Israel throughout the entire conflict. Part II focuses on war and peace in the Arab-Israeli state conflict from 1948 through today, arguing that all the major wars—in 1948, 1956, 1967, 1973—could and should have been avoided. This section also includes an examination of the Cold War and its impact on the Arab-Israeli conflict. Part III covers the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from 1917 through today, and examines the prospects for a two-state or other settlement of the conflict.

A Critical Race Reading of Collective Victimhood

2020 ◽  
pp. 319-336
Author(s):  
Michael J. Perez ◽  
Phia S. Salter
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Moral Disengagement ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Psychological Processes ◽  
Critical Race ◽  
Psychology Perspective ◽  
Collective Victimhood ◽  
White Innocence

This chapter examines the cultural psychological processes that contribute to the delegitimization of Black victimhood in the United States. Drawing on a critical race psychology perspective that focuses on societal processes through which racism is maintained and reproduced, the authors examine the precariousness of claims of Black victimhood in the United States. The same mechanisms that maintain racist structures also delegitimize and deny Black victimhood. These processes include individualism and color-blind ideologies, victim blaming, the misrepresentation and dehumanization of Black victims, the assumption of White innocence and Whites’ moral disengagement from responsibility for racism, and claims of victimhood among Whites, especially in response to perceived threats of gains among minority groups. Thus, collective victimhood becomes precarious for Black Americans in that it is used as a tool of further oppression by others, instead of a source of support from third parties. The “benefits” of collective victimhood are not afforded to all groups.

War and Peace

2019 ◽  
pp. 230-260
Author(s):  
Jean Drèze
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The United States ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Nuclear War ◽  
Civilian Population ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Logical Fallacies ◽  
General Strike

This chapter is concerned with the abolition of violence, or at least of armed conflict, as an aspect of social development. While nuclear strategists pride themselves on being “realists”, their realism is collectively self‐defeating and creates a dangerous world where minor conflicts could easily escalate into a nuclear war. The chapter exposes the logical fallacies of “mutually assured destruction” and related doctrines, as well as the illusions behind India's “nuclear deal” with the United States. Two essays deal with the Kashmir conflict. In 2016, a massive popular uprising took place in Kashmir, mainly in the form of an extended general strike. This event, however, was barely reported in the mainstream Indian media, except for occasional reports of stone pelting. A first‐hand account of the strike brings out that the real purpose of India's massive military presence in Kashmir is to control the civilian population and suppress all protests, however peaceful.

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