Findings and Recommendations of the United States Commission on Civil Rights Regarding Campus Anti-Semitism

2006 ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 211-230
Author(s):  
Linda C. McClain

The chapter recaps the book’s basic claim that in the United States, there is both strong agreement over condemning bigotry as inconsistent with American values and sharp (often partisan) disagreement over bigotry’s forms, and who has the moral authority to call it out. Charges of bigotry are answered with charges of political correctness and countercharges of bigotry. It illustrates these claims with the example of a recent Congressional resolution condemning anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, racism, and other forms of bigotry. The book then offers some lessons about the rhetoric of bigotry and its puzzles based on prior chapters’ examination of controversies over marriage and civil rights law. It applies those lessons to ongoing conflicts over the legal rights of transgender persons. It then considers why the rhetoric of bigotry is not more common in discussing sexism and misogyny. Finally, it evaluates whether and when it is useful—even imperative—to call out bigotry.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda C. McClain

This chapter uses two advice columns, fifty years apart, to introduce the argument that the increasing turn to the language of bigotry poses puzzles that demand attention. Despite evident agreement that bigotry in all its forms is wrong and contrary to national ideals, political battles in the United States over “calling out” bigotry are fraught and polarizing; people disagree over bigotry’s forms. Conflicts during the 2016 presidential election and the Trump presidency provide examples. The chapter introduces several puzzles about bigotry that later chapters will address by analyzing controversies over interfaith, interracial, and same-sex marriage; racial desegregation; and civil rights laws. That study reveals recurring patterns of argument. The chapter also contends that past examples of bigotry on which there is now consensus—such as anti-Semitism and racism—inform judgments about newer forms, as in the constitutional conflicts over same-sex marriage and conscience-based objections to civil rights laws.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Goggin

Interest in the fate of the German psychoanalysts who had to flee Hitler's Germany and find refuge in a new nation, such as the United States, has increased. The ‘émigré research’ shows that several themes recur: (1) the theme of ‘loss’ of one's culture, homeland, language, and family; and (2) the ambiva-lent welcome these émigrés received in their new country. We describe the political-social-cultural context that existed in the United States during the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. Documentary evidence found in the FBI files of three émigré psychoanalysts, Clara Happel, Martin Grotjahn, and Otto Fenichel, are then presented in combination with other source material. This provides a provisional impression of how each of these three individuals experienced their emigration. As such, it gives us elements of a history. The FBI documents suggest that the American atmosphere of political insecurity and fear-based ethnocentric nationalism may have reinforced their old fears of National Socialism, and contributed to their inclination to inhibit or seal off parts of them-selves and their personal histories in order to adapt to their new home and become Americanized. They abandoned the rich social, cultural, political tradition that was part of European psychoanalysis. Finally, we look at these elements of a history in order to ask a larger question about the appropriate balance between a liberal democratic government's right to protect itself from internal and external threats on the one hand, or crossover into the blatant invasion of civil rights and due process on the other.


Author(s):  
Michael C. Dorf ◽  
Michael S. Chu

Lawyers played a key role in challenging the Trump administration’s Travel Ban on entry into the United States of nationals from various majority-Muslim nations. Responding to calls from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which were amplified by social media, lawyers responded to the Travel Ban’s chaotic rollout by providing assistance to foreign travelers at airports. Their efforts led to initial court victories, which in turn led the government to soften the Ban somewhat in two superseding executive actions. The lawyers’ work also contributed to the broader resistance to the Trump administration by dramatizing its bigotry, callousness, cruelty, and lawlessness. The efficacy of the lawyers’ resistance to the Travel Ban shows that, contrary to strong claims about the limits of court action, litigation can promote social change. General lessons about lawyer activism in ordinary times are difficult to draw, however, because of the extraordinary threat Trump poses to civil rights and the rule of law.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Scholes

Race, religion, and sports may seem like odd bedfellows, but, in fact, all three have been interacting with each other since the emergence of modern sports in the United States over a century ago. It was the sport of boxing that saw a black man become a champion at the height of the Jim Crow era and a baseball player who broke the color barrier two decades before the civil rights movement began. In this chapter, the role that religion has played in these and other instances where race (the African American race in particular) and sports have collided will be examined for its impact on the relationship between race and sports. The association of race, religion, and sports is not accidental. The chapter demonstrates that all three are co-constitutive of and dependent on each other for their meaning at these chosen junctures in American sports history.


1965 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 222-222
Author(s):  
Stuart Sellinger

1983 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 709
Author(s):  
Robert Wuthnow ◽  
Gregory Martire ◽  
Ruth Clark

2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vesla M. Weaver

Civil rights cemented its place on the national agenda with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, fair housing legislation, federal enforcement of school integration, and the outlawing of discriminatory voting mechanisms in the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Less recognized but no less important, the Second Reconstruction also witnessed one of the most punitive interventions in United States history. The death penalty was reinstated, felon disenfranchisement statutes from the First Reconstruction were revived, and the chain gang returned. State and federal governments revised their criminal codes, effectively abolishing parole, imposing mandatory minimum sentences, and allowing juveniles to be incarcerated in adult prisons. Meanwhile, the Law Enforcement Assistance Act of 1965 gave the federal government an altogether new role in crime control; several subsequent policies, beginning with the Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 and culminating with the Federal Sentencing Guidelines, ‘war on drugs,’ and extension of capital crimes, significantly altered the approach. These and other developments had an exceptional and long-lasting effect, with imprisonment increasing six-fold between 1973 and the turn of the century. Certain groups felt the burden of these changes most acutely. As of the last census, fully half of those imprisoned are black and one in three black men between ages 20 and 29 are currently under state supervision. Compared to its advanced industrial counterparts in western Europe, the United States imprisons at least five times more of its citizens per capita.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document