Healthcare and Education in the Republic of Cuba

Author(s):  
Dolores E. Battle

Cuba has had many challenges to healthcare and education, particularly for its urban poor and rural citizens. The healthcare and education programs were restructured following the Cuban revolution led by Fidel Castro in 1959. The United States imposed an embargo on the country and ceased diplomatic relations in 1961. With the support of the Soviet Union, Cuba established programs that provide free healthcare and free education to all from preschool through university. The literacy rate in Cuba exceeds 99%. Its programs in health diplomacy and literacy promotion have worldwide recognition. With the end of the Cold War, Cuba was able to continue its programs of healthcare and education without Soviet support. In July 2015 a group of speech-language pathologists (SLPs) and hearing specialists visited Cuba to gain an understanding of the Cuban health diplomacy and education systems for persons with communication disorders. This article will look at healthcare services, health diplomacy, services for the deaf, and education in Cuba. With brief review of Cuba pre-and post-revolution it will present a review of Cuba healthcare and education today and a look at the future as the United States moves toward normalization of relations with Cuba.

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 4-41
Author(s):  
Gregory Winger

The overthrow of the monarchy in Afghanistan in 1973 was a seminal moment in the country's history and in U.S. policy in Central Asia. The return of Mohamed Daoud Khan to power was aided by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA, the Communist party) and military officers trained in the Soviet Union. Even as Communism was making its first substantive gains in Afghanistan, the United States was wrestling with how best to pursue its strategy of containment. Stung by the experience of Vietnam, President Richard Nixon concluded that the United States could not unilaterally respond to every instance of Communist expansion. In the turbulent years that followed, U.S. diplomacy and Daoud's desire for nonalignment combined to mitigate Soviet influence in Afghanistan. However, the U.S. triumph was fleeting insofar as Daoud's shift toward nonalignment triggered the erosion of Soviet-Afghan relations, culminating in the overthrow of his government and the final ascension of the PDPA.


Author(s):  
Ivan Desiatnikov ◽  

The article focuses on the analysis of US-Vietnam relations during the period from 1945 to 1975. The aim of the article is to trace the changes that took place in the US-Vietnam relationship over that period, to identify the factors that influenced them, as well as the approaches used by the heads of the countries to tackle their foreign policy objectives in the region. The author traces the evolution of US policy in Vietnam pursued by Presidents H. Truman, D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nixon. The United States had diametrically opposed position on relations with the Vietnamese governments, namely, confrontation and military conflict with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and cooperation, military and economic aid to the Republic of Vietnam. The author concludes that the US attitude towards Vietnam was determined by the international situation at that time, including the beginning of the Cold War. The policies of Presidents D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy were to restrain the expansion of the Communist bloc's sphere of influence. The direct involvement of the US military in the Vietnam conflict, initiated by L. Johnson, pursued the goal of enhancing the prestige of the United States in the global confrontation with the USSR. The split between the Soviet Union and China was used by the US to get out of the Vietnam War and mend relations with China as a counterweight to the Soviet Union in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead, the Republic of Vietnam, which had been the "junior partner" of the United States, was left to its fate.


Author(s):  
Tatyana Guzman

This chapter offers a macro-level review of the capital budgeting process and practices, capital investment projects, and capital funding in the post-Soviet Republic of Uzbekistan. The chapter discusses some of the major challenges related to capital investment and capital budgeting that Uzbekistan faced after the collapse of the Soviet Union, how the country has overcome some of these challenges in 27 years of independence, and what issues remain unresolved. The chapter additionally describes the most sizeable and impactful recent capital investment projects and the role government played in their financing. Finally, the chapter provides a comparison between capital budgeting practices in Uzbekistan, some post-Soviet republics, and the United States.


1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 496-500

Application of the Republic of Korea: The report of the Committee on the Admission of New Members concerning the application of the Republic of Korea for admission to the United Nations was considered at the 423rd meeting of the Council on April 8, 1949. Attacked by the Soviet and Ukrainian representatives as a puppet regime illegally established by the intervention of an illegally constituted Interim Committee of the Assembly, the Republic of Korea was strongly defended by the representatives of the United States, China and Argentina as an independent state willing and able to assume the obligations of membership. The vote on the Chinese resolution to recommend the admission of Korea recorded nine members in the affirmative, with the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR in the negative. The resolution therefore failed to pass because of the negative vote of the Soviet Union.


1977 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-174
Author(s):  
Daniel S. Papp

AbstractAmerican objectives in Vietnam have long been a source of considerable confusion to most Americans. Even the publication of the Pentagon Papers did little to clarify American goals in Vietnam. While it was clear that the intent of American involvement was some combination of containment of Communism, defense of an ally, and protection of trading lanes or resource areas,1 many unknowns still existed. What "brand" of Communism was being contained? How reliable was the ally the United States was defending? How important were the trading lanes or resource areas being protected, and were they even being threatened ? These and similar other uncertainties lay at the heart of the answer to the question "What were American goals in Vietnam?" Today, more than two years after the Republic of Vietnam succumbed to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, these uncertainties still exist. However, as is so often the case, a nation's objectives appear much more complicated to intimate observers than to distant observers.2 While Americans debated the objectives of U.S. intervention, American allies and enemies had in many instances already arrived at conclusions about U.S. objectives. This was particularly true of the Soviet Union. To the Soviet leadership, U.S. policy toward Vietnam emanated from the alleged imperialist nature of American society itself. The Soviet perception of American goals in Vietnam was thus relatively stable throughout the height of the American involvement, and American policies toward the Southeast Asian area were continually interpreted in light of a relatively unchanging objective. The "Johnson Doctrine," "Asian Doctrine," and "Nixon Doctrine" were all viewed as different manifestations of American "neo-colonialism." This essay will examine the Soviet perception of American objectives in Vietnam during and immediately after the height of U.S. involvement in Vietnam (1966-70), explore the reasons the Soviet Union adopted the perceptions it did, and examine the effects of those perceptions on Soviet policy.


Author(s):  
Joshua Kotin

This book is a new account of utopian writing. It examines how eight writers—Henry David Thoreau, W. E. B. Du Bois, Osip and Nadezhda Mandel'shtam, Anna Akhmatova, Wallace Stevens, Ezra Pound, and J. H. Prynne—construct utopias of one within and against modernity's two large-scale attempts to harmonize individual and collective interests: liberalism and communism. The book begins in the United States between the buildup to the Civil War and the end of Jim Crow; continues in the Soviet Union between Stalinism and the late Soviet period; and concludes in England and the United States between World War I and the end of the Cold War. In this way it captures how writers from disparate geopolitical contexts resist state and normative power to construct perfect worlds—for themselves alone. The book contributes to debates about literature and politics, presenting innovative arguments about aesthetic difficulty, personal autonomy, and complicity and dissent. It models a new approach to transnational and comparative scholarship, combining original research in English and Russian to illuminate more than a century and a half of literary and political history.


This book uses trust—with its emotional and predictive aspects—to explore international relations in the second half of the Cold War, beginning with the late 1960s. The détente of the 1970s led to the development of some limited trust between the United States and the Soviet Union, which lessened international tensions and enabled advances in areas such as arms control. However, it also created uncertainty in other areas, especially on the part of smaller states that depended on their alliance leaders for protection. The chapters in this volume look at how the “emotional” side of the conflict affected the dynamics of various Cold War relations: between the superpowers, within the two ideological blocs, and inside individual countries on the margins of the East–West confrontation.


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