Security Community or Balance of Power? Hybrid Security Governance in Latin America

Author(s):  
Rafael Duarte Villa
2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (S1) ◽  
pp. 59-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
EMANUEL ADLER ◽  
PATRICIA GREVE

AbstractBy now arguments about the varieties of international order abound in International Relations. These disputes include arguments about the security mechanisms, institutions, and practices that sustain international orders, including balance of power and alliances, hegemony, security regimes based on regional or global institutions, public, private, and hybrid security networks, as well as different kinds of security communities. The way these orders coexist across time and space, however, has not been adequately theorised. In this article we seek to show (A) that, while analytically and normatively distinct, radically different orders, and in particular the security systems of governance on which they are based (such as balance of power and security community), often coexist or overlap in political discourse and practice. (B) We will attempt to demonstrate that the overlap of security governance systems may have important theoretical and empirical consequences: First, theoretically our argument sees ‘balance of power’ and ‘security community’ not only as analytically distinct structures of security orders, but focuses on them specifically as mechanisms based on a distinct mixture of practices. Second, this move opens up the possibility of a complex (perhaps, as John Ruggie called it, a ‘multiperspectival’) vision of regional security governance. Third, our argument may be able to inform new empirical research on the overlap of several security governance systems and the practices on which they are based. Finally, our argument can affect how we think about the boundaries of regions: Beyond the traditional geographical/geopolitical notion of regional boundaries and the social or cognitive notion of boundaries defined with reference to identity, our focus on overlapping mechanisms conceives of a ‘practical’ notion of boundaries according to which regions’ boundaries are determined by the practices that constitute regions.


Author(s):  
Jamie L. Shenk

Conflicts between local communities and their governments over natural resource development are not new in Latin America. When mining and oil companies move in, communities have blocked roads, staged protests, and undertaken other forms of direct action. More recently, however, communities have expanded their tactics, turning toward the state and its participatory institutions to contest claims over their land. This article investigates this trend and the conditions that facilitate it by analyzing an original database of 102 attempts by communities in Colombia to implement one participatory institution—the popular consultation—to challenge large scale extractive projects. I argue that communities’ ability to contest extractive projects by leveraging participatory institutions depends on the balance of power between two external players—private firms and expert allies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 61 (04) ◽  
pp. 72-94
Author(s):  
Rafael Duarte Villa ◽  
Fabrício H. Chagas-Bastos ◽  
Camila de Macedo Braga

ABSTRACTContending rationales of peace and conflict coexist between countries and within regional spaces as conditions that motivate or constrain militarized behaviors. While the idea of balancing is still a relevant concept to understand contemporary security in South America, the region produces patterns of a nascent security community. This article argues that the regional repertoire of foreign and security policy practices draws on a hybrid security governance mechanism. The novelty brought by the cumulative interaction among South American countries is that the coexistence turns into a hybrid between both practices and discourses. To explain how hybrid formations are produced, this study analyzes the most empirically intense and academically controversial political and security interactions from interstate relations in the two security complexes in the region, the Southern Cone and the Northern Andes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 545-573
Author(s):  
Markus-Michael Müller

AbstractThis article offers an analysis of the transnational discursive construction processes informing Latin American security governance in the aftermath of 9/11. It demonstrates that the Global War on Terror provided an opportunity for external and aligned local knowledge producers in the security establishments throughout the Americas to reframe Latin America's security problems through the promotion of a militarised security epistemology, and derived policies, centred on the region's ‘convergent threats’. In tracing the discursive repercussions of this epistemic reframing, the article shows that, by tapping into these discourses, military bureaucracies throughout the Americas were able to overcome their previous institutional marginalisation vis-à-vis civilian agencies. This development contributed to the renaissance of counter-insurgency and counter-terrorism discourses and policies in the region, allowing countries such as Colombia and Brazil to reposition themselves globally by exporting their military expertise for confronting post-9/11 threats beyond the region.


1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 592-609
Author(s):  
Jacques Freymond

When major plans for European or Atlantic integration are under discussion, European neutrals receive little attention. Much concern is expressed over the impact of the European Economic Community or of an Atlantic Community upon Latin America, Africa, or Asia, and considerable care is exercised to alleviate apprehension, to quiet fears, to subdue sharp reactions, and, finally, to prevent retaliatory action. But the situation of the small neutral European states is only mentioned in passing. In the last analysis, more consideration is shown for distant and often hostile neutralists than for neutral, but friendly, neighbors.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-152
Author(s):  
Frida Osorio Gonsen

The Atlantic constitution-making processes, including the ones undertaken in Latin America in the early nineteenth century, were marked by the quest for a balanced state power that would allow State unity. This article focuses mainly on the efforts of Mexican constitutionalists to define an institutional framework that would avoid the fragmentation of the political structure of the State. I discuss how they introduced an important institutional innovation: the Supreme Conservative Power (Supremo Poder Conservador), a neutral third-party mechanism, to manage conflicts between the three branches of government. This is the only case in the Hispanic world where a mechanism of this kind was established in a republican regime. The aim of this article is to gauge the breadth and limitations of this mechanism. Los procesos constituyentes derivados de las revoluciones Atlánticas, incluyendo aquellos que se llevaron a cabo en América Latina, estuvieron marcados por la búsqueda de un diseño constitucional que garantizara a la vez el equilibrio entre los tres órganos de gobierno y la unidad del poder del Estado. Este artículo analiza los esfuerzos realizados en México para elaborar un diseño constitucional que evitara la fragmentación de la estructura política del Estado mexicano. Se concentra en el estudio de un innovador dispositivo constitucional: el Supremo Poder Conservador, que fungió como tercera parte neutral y cuya finalidad fue mediar en un eventual conflicto entre los tres poderes del Estado. La importancia del Supremo Poder Conservador consiste en el hecho de haber sido el único dispositivo de esta índole en el mundo Hispánico que fue establecido en un régimen republicano. El objetivo principal en este artículo es indagar los alcances y los límites de tal mecanismo.


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