Foreign Aid, Development Assistance, or Development Cooperation: What's in a Name?

2002 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-377
Author(s):  
Marijke Breuning
Author(s):  
Heiner Janus ◽  
Lixia Tang

AbstractThis chapter analyses the development discourse on foreign aid to explore areas of convergence between the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)’s Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors and Chinese development cooperation. We apply the concept of “coalition magnets”—the capacity of an idea to appeal to a diverse set of individuals and groups, and to be used strategically by policy entrepreneurs to frame interests, mobilise support, and build coalitions. Three coalition magnets are identified: mutual benefit, development results, and the 2030 Agenda. The chapter finds that coalition magnets can be used to influence political change and concludes that applying a discursive approach provides a new conceptual opportunity for fostering closer engagement between OECD-DAC and Chinese development cooperation actors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 45-73
Author(s):  
Gino Pauselli

ABSTRACTThe literature on aid allocation shows that many factors influence donors’ decision to provide aid. However, our knowledge about foreign aid allocation is based on traditional foreign aid, from developed to developing countries, and many assumptions of these theories do not hold when applied to southern donors. This article argues that south-south development cooperation (SSDC) can be explained by the strength of development cooperation’s domestic allies and foes. Specifically, it identifies civil society organizations as allies of SSDC and nationalist groups as opponents of SSDC. By using for the first time data on SSDC activities in Latin America, this article shows the predictive strength of a liberal domestic politics approach in comparison to the predictive power of alternative explanations. The results speak to scholars of both traditional foreign aid and south-south development cooperation in highlighting the limits of traditional theories of foreign aid motivations.


2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Miguel Amakasu Raposo de Medeiros Carvalho

This article compares the evolution of China's and Japan's foreign policies to Lusophone Africa, focusing on the period post-2000. The lack of analysis on Beijing's and Tokyo's respective aid policies towards Portuguese-speaking African countries (Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa, PALOP) makes this study relevant. Arguably, Japan's development “edge” over China in terms of the “aid model” approach towards PALOP countries is under threat. This raises questions about China's changing pattern of aid, characterised by an increasing amount of “soft” aid towards PALOP states outside of trade and investment relations, which is much in line with Japan's aid philosophy and, according to observers, less neocolonialist than Japan's previous aid practices. This paper asks which model of cooperation is morally better and which is more effective, as both donors have interests in PALOP countries beyond development assistance. It finds complementarities in the two countries’ aid allocation to PALOP states, such as poverty eradication given the sectoral diversity of Chinese aid, and the empowerment of local communities fostered by Japanese aid's emphasis on grassroots and human-security projects.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis D. Trinidad

This article examines the implications of Japan’s strategic partnerships with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member-countries on its foreign aid policy. Although there were previous attempts at aligning the broad goals of Japan’s aid policy with security and defence objectives, it argues that these partnerships have increasingly led to the emergence of a securitized aid. This is because strategic partnership, as a new form of security practice in the Asia-Pacific, extends the scope of Japan’s regional cooperation to the fields of defence and security. The overall extent of Japan’s aid securitization is still minimal but prominent in terms of the aid discourse, pattern of allotments or choice of recipients and institutional structures. Despite the adoption of new development cooperation charter in 2015, the use of Japan’s ODA is still confined to non-military use which limits Tokyo’s desire to deepen its security cooperation with ASEAN partner-countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-173
Author(s):  
Insebayeva Nafissa

This article joins the discussion on foreign aid triggered by the rise of multiplicity of emerging donors in international development. Informed by the constructivist framework of analysis, this article evaluates the philosophy and core features of Kazakhstan’s chosen development aid model and explains the factors that account for the construction of distinct aid patterns of Kazakh donorship. This article asserts that Kazakhstan embraces a hybrid identity as a foreign aid provider through combining features and characteristics pertaining to both—emerging and traditional donors. On one hand, it discursively constructed its identity as a “development cooperation partner,” adopting the relevant discourse of mutual benefit, respect for sovereignty, and non-interference, which places it among those providers that actively associate themselves with the community of “emerging donors.” On the other hand, it selectively complies with policies and practices advocated by traditional donors. This study suggests that a combination of domestic and international factors played an important role in shaping Kazakhstan’s understanding of the aid-giving practices, and subsequently determined its constructed aid modality.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 543-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simplice A. Asongu

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to integrate two main strands of the aid-development nexus in assessing whether institutional thresholds matter in the effectiveness of foreign-aid on institutional development in 53 African countries over the period 1996-2010. Design/methodology/approach – The panel quantile regression technique enables us to investigate if the relationship between institutional dynamics and development assistance differs throughout the distributions of institutional dynamics. Eight government quality indicators are employed: rule of law, regulation quality, government effectiveness, corruption, voice and accountability, control of corruption, political stability and democracy. Findings – Three hypotheses are tested and the following findings are established: first, institutional benefits of foreign-aid are contingent on existing institutional levels in Africa; second, but for a thin exception (democracy), foreign-aid is more negatively correlated with countries of higher institutional quality than with those of lower quality; third, the institutional benefits of foreign-aid are not questionable until greater domestic institutional development has taken place. The reverse is true instead. government quality benefits of development assistance are questionable in African countries irrespective of prevailing institutional quality levels. Originality/value – This paper contributes to existing literature on the effectiveness of foreign-aid by focussing on the distribution of the dependent variables (institutional dynamics). It is likely that best and worst countries in terms of institutions respond differently to development assistance.


Author(s):  
John A. Simon ◽  
Michael W. Miller

The Marshall Plan marked the beginning of modern foreign assistance, and from the very outset national security and foreign aid have been inextricably linked. Successful development assistance can make the world a safer, more stable place, advancing U.S. national interests in direct and subtle ways. Aid can help struggling states avoid becoming failing states, where all manner of threats—from terrorists to international criminal networks to deadly pathogens—can find a safe haven. Aid helps stave off political strife that contributes to the rise of demagogues with interests antithetical to those of the United States. At its best, foreign assistance can reinforce country efforts to join the community of democracies. A world where there are fewer wars, terrorist safe havens, and political tyrants is a more secure world for the United States.


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