A Note on the Central Place Theory

1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 649-654 ◽  
Author(s):  
H Biermann

Although the pioneering study by Christaller (1933) has produced a flood of publications on central place theory which now extend beyond the limits of a short survey, the fact remains that these publications rest on investigations that are purely static and retrospective. Essentially the publications represent no advance on Christaller's work. They attempt, that is, to describe existing positions and to develop indicators for the identification of central place structures. In doing so these writers adopt, without exception, the concept of “excess function”(1) which was already used by Christaller to characterize central places. [A survey of Christaller's ideas can be found in Berry and Pred (1965); see also Beckmann (1968), von Böventer (1969), Gustafsson and Söker (1972), Biermann (1973a) and elsewhere.] None, however, shows how this excess function came into being, or, alternatively, how it can be explained, and whether it exhibits objective spatial stability(2). It is often overlooked, or uncritically accepted, that numerous value judgments and assumptions on the behaviour of consumers are, in addition, contained in this excess function. In other words, the discussions in these publications have no explanatory character. By the same token they contain, strictly speaking, no empirically-based theories; that is, they lack the ‘explanans' that would make it possible to forecast ensuing occurrences and phenomena (Popper, 1959).

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michiel van Meeteren ◽  
Ate Poorthuis

This article utilizes central place theory (CPT) to navigate the “deluge” brought about by big data. While originating in the 1930s, CPT is a theoretical monument of 1960s spatial science. CPT aims to understand settlement geographies based on consumption behavior and is often presented as a singular, outdated, and rationalist theory. After critically reviewing the history of CPT, we assess the microfoundations of Christaller’s CPT – the threshold and range of goods – for various central functions in Louisville, Kentucky. The microfoundations are estimated through data from social media platforms Foursquare and Twitter. These sources alleviate many of the operationalization issues that traditionally hamper empirical use of CPT. The empirical application of CPT reveals that: (i) central functions have typical ranges and thresholds relating central places to population spread; (ii) central functions cluster based on an approximate hierarchical structure. The findings indicate the ongoing importance of CPT in shaping urban-economic geographies.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. J. CLEGG ◽  
T. J. RINGROSE ◽  
J. F. CROSS

Some factors affecting marital distances have been studied in two Outer Hebridean islands, Harris (843 marriages) and Barra (444 marriages), over the period 1855-1990. In each island marital distances fell before 1900, but then rose to their greatest values after the 1950s. Fishermen generally married at the shortest distances and men in land-based occupations at the longest. The depression in the fishing industry during the 1880s and early 1890s was associated with reductions in marital distances, especially among fishermen. In the different regions of Harris, marital distances were least in the south-east, where settlement was most dense, and greatest in the south-west where it was most sparse.When the association between marital frequencies and inter-settlement distances was studied, it was found that for Harris there was, overall, a trend to endogamous and short-distance marriage. However, this trend was only slight during 1955-90. For Barra a similar trend was found before 1955, but thereafter there appeared to be virtually no connection between marital frequency and inter-settlement distance. Thus the only constraint on marriage was the spatial distribution of settlements. In this situation the chances of random mating with respect to distance are maximised.Application of ‘Central Place’ theory suggested that only since 1946 can any tendency be detected to regard Tarbert in Harris or Castlebay in Barra as Central Places, at least as far as marriage is concerned. In each island the tendency appears to be limited to the settlements closest to the Central Place.


1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
J B Parr

A serious deficiency in the development of central-place theory has been the general lack of any systematic treatment of the question of temporal change. This deficiency has undoubtedly impaired the usefulness of central-place theory in the analysis of urban systems. In this paper three broad categories of temporal change in a central-place system are identified. One such category involves changes in the structure of the hierarchy. These consist of the formation of a new level of the hierarchy, the modification in the extent of a level, and the disappearance of a level. Existing central-place models prove inadequate for dealing with changes of this kind, and it becomes necessary to adopt a comparative-static approach which employs less restrictive models. Such an approach inevitably involves a degree of simplification, although it is able to take account of the fact that change takes place against a background of locational inertia, in which the locations of central places are fixed. This comparative-static approach may be helpful in the analysis of actual urban systems and their development through time.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Doran ◽  
Andrew Fox

Central Place and Central Flow Theory are geographic principles explaining why and how cities develop across large regional spaces. Central Place Theory postulates that cities self-organize into a spatial hierarchy were small numbers of very large ‘Central Places’ support numerous surrounding and less developed ‘Low Places’, while ‘Middle Places’ develop at the periphery of where Central Places carry spatial influence. Central Flow Theory is a comple- mentary notion that explains the cooperative development of cities through joint information sharing. Both theories are often discussed, with multiple regional development and economic models built upon their tenents. However, it is very difficult to quantify the degree to which Central Place and Central Flow Theory explains the development and positions of cities in a region, particularly in developing countries where socioeconomic data is difficult to collect. To facilitate these measurements, this paper presents a way to operationalize Central Place and Central Flow Theory using mobile phone data collected across a region. It defines a set of mobile phone data attributes that are related to basic facets of the two theories, and demonstrates how their measurements speak to the degree to which the theories hold in the region the mobile phone data covers. The theory is then applied in a case study where promising locations for economic investment in a developing nation are identified.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Doran ◽  
Andrew Fox

Central Place and Central Flow Theory are geographic principles explaining why and how cities develop across large regional spaces. Central Place Theory postulates that cities self-organize into a spatial hierarchy were small numbers of very large ‘Central Places’ support numerous surrounding and less developed ‘Low Places’, while ‘Middle Places’ develop at the periphery of where Central Places carry spatial influence. Central Flow Theory is a comple- mentary notion that explains the cooperative development of cities through joint information sharing. Both theories are often discussed, with multiple regional development and economic models built upon their tenents. However, it is very difficult to quantify the degree to which Central Place and Central Flow Theory explains the development and positions of cities in a region, particularly in developing countries where socioeconomic data is difficult to collect. To facilitate these measurements, this paper presents a way to operationalize Central Place and Central Flow Theory using mobile phone data collected across a region. It defines a set of mobile phone data attributes that are related to basic facets of the two theories, and demonstrates how their measurements speak to the degree to which the theories hold in the region the mobile phone data covers. The theory is then applied in a case study where promising locations for economic investment in a developing nation are identified.


1991 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Little

The rational-choice paradigm has been attractive to many area specialists in their efforts to arrive at explanations of social and political behavior in various parts of the world. This model of explanation is simple yet powerful; we attempt to explain a pattern of social behavior or an enduring social arrangement as the aggregate outcome of the goal-directed choices of large numbers of rational agents. Why did the Nian rebellion occur? It was the result of the individual-level survival strategies of north China peasants (Perry 1980). Why did the central places of late imperial Sichuan conform to the hexagonal arrays predicted by central-place theory? Because participants—consumers, merchants, and officials—made rational decisions based on considerations of transport cost (Skinner 1964–65). Why was late imperial Chinese agriculture stagnant? Because none of the actors within the agricultural system had both the incentive and the capacity to invest in agricultural innovation (Lippit 1987).


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