Domopolitics and Disease: HIV/AIDS, Immigration, and Asylum in the UK

10.1068/d2208 ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 875-894 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Ingram

Geographers and others have become increasingly interested in the intersections between globalization, disease, and security, particularly in relation to ‘short-wave’ public health threats such as SARS and pandemic influenza, but ‘long-wave’ epidemics such as HIV/AIDS are also often said to raise questions of security. While a literature is emerging to analyze the politics of security in relation to global HIV/AIDS relief, in this paper I argue that it is also important analytically and politically to connect and contrast this with the ways that HIV/AIDS is politicized as a security issue in relation to immigration and asylum within Western states themselves. Drawing on literatures in governmentality, biopolitics, and security, I examine the politics of HIV/AIDS, immigration, and asylum in the UK from 1997 to 2007 with particular reference to the reactionary press coverage that influenced policy formation and judicial rulings in this period. Following the work of William Walters, I trace the emergence of a ‘domopolitical’ rationality in press reporting around HIV/AIDS in terms of a number of imaginative geographies, and suggest that these imaginative geographies are both biopolitical in a classical sense and connected with the colonial dimensions of the present. The circulation of these imaginative geographies through policy and legal developments, the dilemmas they have raised, and resistance to them from medical, civil society, and parliamentary groups are then outlined. Reflecting on the disjuncture in approaches to HIV/AIDS between the global and national spheres, I argue that while the association of HIV/AIDS and security is enhancing life chances for many it is also reducing them for people caught in the wrong place at the wrong time.

2004 ◽  
Vol 59 (12) ◽  
pp. 2617-2626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Blyth ◽  
Marilyn Crawshaw ◽  
Ken Daniels

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 597-612
Author(s):  
Daniel Trottier

This article offers an exploratory account of press coverage of digitally mediated vigilantism. It considers how the UK press renders these events visible in a sustained and meaningful way. News reports and editorials add visibility to these events, and also make them more tangible when integrating content from social media platforms. In doing so, this coverage directs attention to a range of social actors, who may be perceived as responsible for these kinds of developments. In considering how other social actors are presented in relation to digital vigilantism, this study focusses on press accounts of those either initiating or being targeted by online denunciations, and also on a broader and often amorphous range of spectators to such events, often referred to as ‘internet mobs’. Relatedly, this article explores how specific practices related to digital vigilantism such as denunciation are expressed in press coverage, as well as coverage of motivations by the public to either participate or facilitate such practices. Reflecting on how the press represent mediated denunciation will illustrate not only how tabloids and broadsheets frame such practices, but also how they take advantage of connective and data-generating affordances associated with social platforms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-392
Author(s):  
Thomas W. Cawkwell

Britain’s war in Afghanistan – specifically its latter stages, where the UK’s role and casualties sustained in the conflict rose dramatically – coincided with the institutional emergence of Ministry of Defence-led ‘Strategic Communication’. This article examines the circumstances through which domestic strategic communication developed within the UK state and the manner in which the ‘narratives’ supporting Britain’s role in Afghanistan were altered, streamlined and ‘securitised’. I argue that securitising the Afghanistan narrative was undertaken with the intention of misdirecting an increasingly sceptical UK public from the failure of certain aspects of UK counter-insurgency strategy – specifically its counter-narcotics and stabilisation efforts – by focusing on counter-terrorism, and of avoiding difficult questions about the UK’s transnational foreign and defence policy outlook vis-à-vis the United States by asserting that Afghanistan was primarily a ‘national security’ issue. I conclude this article by arguing that the UK’s domestic strategic communication approach of emphasising ‘national security interests’ may have created the conditions for institutionalised confusion by reinforcing a narrow, self-interested narrative of Britain’s role in the world that runs counter to its ongoing, ‘transnationalised’ commitments to collective security through the United States and NATO.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 497-503
Author(s):  
Dave Hancock

Recent research has revealed that there are inconsistencies and inequalities in childhood education and care throughout the UK. Dave Hancock highlights some of the key findings


2021 ◽  
pp. 255-271
Author(s):  
Francesco Goglia

This chapter presents a discussion on the role of English in the linguistic repertoires of the second generation of onward-migrating families from Italy to the UK. Participants reported on their language use, language maintenance, and language attitudes, both in their early life in Italy and in the UK. The second generation maintain Italian with same-age peer friendships and older siblings. They view the language as linguistic capital to enhance their future career prospects in the UK or support a return to Italy. Italian is also maintained in conversations with parents often in the form of code-switching. Parents struggle with English after a long period of residence in Italy and children are not fluent in the heritage languages. English is considered the most important language and, together with a British education to improve their children’s life chances, is the main pull factor for families in the decision to migrate onward. Onward migration allows these families to restart language shift towards English (which was interrupted during the years of stay in Italy) in a parallel way to language shift towards English taking place in their countries of origin.


Author(s):  
Sarah Weakley

This chapter analyses the impact of implicit and explicit family welfare resources on young people's transition to economic independence, drawing on longitudinal data from the 1970 British Cohort Study and the 1997 US National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. In both the UK and the US, the commonly used measure of parental socioeconomic background was a factor that persisted and intensified as cohort members moved through a transition. Rather than inequalities reducing into adulthood, inequalities widened. Trends in co-residence and labour market insecurity in the UK mirror those of the US; therefore, the US evidence can inform both future research and policy formation in the UK. The empirical evidence suggests that if social policy in the UK is interested in supporting successful youth transitions across the income spectrum, the long-lasting imbalance created by unequal family resources will need to be addressed, beginning with a restructuring of the benefit system for low-income young people alongside structural changes to the youth labour market.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-131
Author(s):  
Susannah Crockford

Anna Tuckett’s piece on the paper trails left, created and curated by migrant streams crossing Europe raises questions on how social personhood is legally affirmed or undermined by legal paperwork. As is now a well aired fact, those UK citizens affected by the ‘hostile environment’ instituted by the British Home Office (HO) from 2012 onwards were disproportionately black and descended from former Caribbean colonies (Olusoga 2019). I consider my experience relating to immigration practices and assumptions to indicate aspects of this environment in the making. In 2004, I spent six months working for the civil service in the UK as a blandly labelled ‘presenting officer’. A presenting officer presented the Home Secretary’s case for refusing immigration and asylum claims that the applicant had appealed. In such cases, it was common strategy to draw attention to the lack of consistency, in terms of both narrative and between a person and their papers. Narrative consistency was required: the same story had to be told to the case officer on presenting a claim and in the courtroom to the adjudicator and in any and every opportunity to retell the tale the applicant had. Any inconsistency was taken as evidence of deceit. A person had to be able to document their birth, entries and exits to the UK, schooling, workplaces, income and family relationships. The requirements of consistency reified relationships that had documentary existence over those that did not. Lack of documents undermined a person’s ability to make their case.


Pragmatics ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Senja Pollak ◽  
Roel Coesemans ◽  
Walter Daelemans ◽  
Nada Lavrač

Text mining aims at constructing classification models and finding interesting patterns in large text collections. This paper investigates the utility of applying these techniques to media analysis, more specifically to support discourse analysis of news reports about the 2007 Kenyan elections and post-election crisis in local (Kenyan) and Western (British and US) newspapers. It illustrates how text mining methods can assist discourse analysis by finding contrast patterns which provide evidence for ideological differences between local and international press coverage. Our experiments indicate that most significant differences pertain to the interpretive frame of the news events: whereas the newspapers from the UK and the US focus on ethnicity in their coverage, the Kenyan press concentrates on sociopolitical aspects.


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