Boundaries at play

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-94
Author(s):  
Antonio Machicao y Priemer ◽  
Paola Fritz-Huechante
Keyword(s):  
Accurate Description ◽  
Lexical Analysis ◽  
Psychological Domain ◽  
Bounded State ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Lexical Rules ◽  
Psychological Verbs ◽  
Type Hierarchy

Summary In this paper, we model the left-bounded state reading and the true reflexive reading of the se clitic in the Spanish psychological domain. We argue that a lexical analysis of se provides us with a more accurate description of the different classes of psychological verbs that occur with the clitic. We provide a unified analysis where the use of the two readings of se are modeled by means of lexical rules. We take the morphologically simple but semantically more complex basic items (e.g. asustar ‘frighten’) as input of the lexical rules, getting as the output a morphologically more complex but semantically simpler verb (e.g asustarse ‘get frightened’). The analysis for psych verbs correctly allows only those verbs assigning accusative to the experiencer or the stimulus to combine with se, hence preventing dative verbs from entering the lexical rules. The analysis also demonstrates how to account for punctual and non-punctual readings of psych verbs with se incorporating ‘boundaries’ into the type hierarchy of eventualities.

scholarly journals Korean and Spanish psych-verbs: Interaction of case, theta-roles, linearization, and event structure in HPSG

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Machicao y Priemer ◽  
Paola Fritz-Huechante
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Semantic Relations ◽  
Role Assignment ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Theta Role ◽  
Inheritance Hierarchy ◽  
Lexical Rules ◽  
Type Hierarchy

In this paper, we argue that by making a more detailed distinction of theta-roles, while at the same time investigating the correlation of case marking, theta-role assignment, and eventuality types, we can describe different psych-verb subclasses and explain their alignment patterns in Spanish and Korean. We propose a neo-Davidsonian treatment of psych-verbs in HPSG that allows us to account for the underspecification of theta-roles which are modeled in an inheritance hierarchy for semantic relations. By assuming linking properties modeled lexically, we can constrain the properties for psych-verbs which shows the mapping of semantic arguments (i.e. experiencer, stimulus-causer, subject matter and target) to the elements in the argument structure. The type hierarchy and lexical rules proposed here capture the alternation in case marking not only of the experiencer (as traditionally assumed in the literature), but also of the stimulus. This analysis leads us to a new fourfold classification of psych-verbs for both languages.

scholarly journals Datives with psych nouns and adjectives in Basque

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 647-696
Author(s):  
Beatriz Fernández ◽  
Fernando Zúñiga ◽  
Ane Berro
Keyword(s):  
Natural Language ◽  
Linguistic Theory ◽  
Psychological State ◽  
Formal Expression ◽  
Fine Grained ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Other Regarding ◽  
Psychological Verbs

Abstract This paper explores the formal expression of two Basque dative argument types in combination with psych nouns and adjectives, in intransitive and transitive clauses: (i) those that express the experiencer, and (ii) those that express the stimulus of the psychological state denoted by the psych noun and adjective. In the intransitive structure involving a dative experiencer (DatExpIS), the stimulus is in the absolutive case, and the intransitive copula izan ‘be’ shows both dative and absolutive agreement. This construction basically corresponds to those built upon the piacere type of psychological verbs typified in (Belletti, Adriana & Luigi Rizzi. 1988. Psych-verbs and θ-theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6. 291–352) three-way classification of Italian psych verbs. In the intransitive structure involving a dative stimulus (DatStimIS), the experiencer is marked by absolutive case, and the same intransitive copula shows both absolutive and dative agreement (with the latter corresponding to the dative stimulus and not to the experiencer). We show that the behavior of the dative argument in the two constructions is just the opposite of each other regarding a number of morphosyntactic tests, including agreement, constituency, hierarchy and selection. Additionally, we explore two parallel transitive constructions that involve either a dative experiencer and an ergative stimulus (DatExpTS) or a dative stimulus and an ergative experiencer (DatStimTS), which employ the transitive copula *edun ‘have’. Considering these configurations, we propose an extended and more fine-grained typology of psych predicates.

Argument realization of psychological verbs

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 755-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chao Li
Keyword(s):  
Subject Position ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Physical Force ◽  
Single Argument ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Unaccusative Verbs ◽  
Argument Realization ◽  
Transitive Verbs ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Psychological Verbs

Abstract By using data from nearly thirty languages of various families and regions, this paper examines the argument realization of three types of psychological verbs (i.e. causative bivalent, non-causative bivalent, and monovalent). It finds that, when compared with the argument realization of core transitive verbs like BREAK, causative bivalent psych verbs show crosslinguistic uniformity in that they pattern with core transitive verbs in argument realization. The same comparative approach finds that the argument realization of non-causative bivalent psych verbs shows a lot of crosslinguistic variation. As for monovalent psych verbs, the paper finds that they almost always pattern with the argument realization of unaccusative verbs. The findings of the paper are accounted for by using the Force-Control-Causality (FCC) model of verb meaning. Under this model, the uniformity in argument realization with respect to causative bivalent psych verbs is due to the prominence of the causative relationship expressed and the directionality of the causality from the Causer to the Causee. The variation in argument realization with respect to non-causative bivalent psych verbs can be attributed to the fact that such verbs express neither causation nor transmission of physical force. As for the near uniformity in argument realization with respect to monovalent psych verbs, it is due to the fact that they involve only one argument (thus no competition for the subject position) and this single argument shares the [−control] feature with the single argument of unaccusative verbs. This study points to the need of recognizing Causer and Causee as two core and highly-ranked thematic roles in a global thematic hierarchy.

scholarly journals Datives with psych nouns and adjectives in Basque

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatriz Fernández ◽  
Fernando Zúñiga ◽  
Ane Berro
Keyword(s):  
Natural Language ◽  
Linguistic Theory ◽  
Psychological State ◽  
Formal Expression ◽  
Fine Grained ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Other Regarding ◽  
Psychological Verbs

AbstractThis paper explores the formal expression of two Basque dative argument types in combination with psych nouns and adjectives, in intransitive and transitive clauses: (i) those that express the experiencer, and (ii) those that express the stimulus of the psychological state denoted by the psych noun and adjective. In the intransitive structure involving a dative experiencer (DatExpIS), the stimulus is in the absolutive case, and the intransitive copula izan ‘be’ shows both dative and absolutive agreement. This construction basically corresponds to those built upon the piacere type of psychological verbs typified in (Belletti, Adriana & Luigi Rizzi. 1988. Psych-verbs and θ-theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6. 291–352) three-way classification of Italian psych verbs. In the intransitive structure involving a dative stimulus (DatStimIS), the experiencer is marked by absolutive case, and the same intransitive copula shows both absolutive and dative agreement (with the latter corresponding to the dative stimulus and not to the experiencer). We show that the behavior of the dative argument in the two constructions is just the opposite of each other regarding a number of morphosyntactic tests, including agreement, constituency, hierarchy and selection. Additionally, we explore two parallel transitive constructions that involve either a dative experiencer and an ergative stimulus (DatExpTS) or a dative stimulus and an ergative experiencer (DatStimTS), which employ the transitive copula *edun ‘have’. Considering these configurations, we propose an extended and more fine-grained typology of psych predicates.

Examining agentivity in Spanish reverse-psych verbs

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Ashwini Ganeshan
Keyword(s):  
Native Speaker ◽  
Strong Predictor ◽  
Accusative Case ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Alternation ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Corpus Data ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Psychological Verbs

Abstract In Spanish reverse-psychological verbs, the experiencer argument can have accusative or dative case marking. Transitivity-based approaches identify different factors that influence this accusative-dative alternation(Miglio, Viola G., Stefan T Gries, Michael J Harris, Eva M Wheeler & Santana-Paixão Raquel. A strong predictor for accusative case marking in Spanish r-psych verbs is the animacy of the stimulus. However, there are also instances where the stimulus is inanimate and the experiencer is case marked accusative. In this paper, I provide an analysis of such instances, drawing on corpus data and native speaker judgments. I argue that agentivity, measured on a scale, is a factor that better accounts for the accusative-dative alternation exhibited by Spanish reverse-psychological verbs. I first propose a definition of agentivity and diagnostics for it; then I present evidence that there is a correlation between higher degrees of agentivity and accusative case marking and lower degrees of agentivity and dative case marking. The agentivity scale presented is not unconditional as there are several factors that contribute to case marking. Nevertheless, the agentivity scale accounts for accusative case marking with inanimates and also serves to highlight some parallels between causative verbs and reverse-psychological verbs.

Contextual Dependency and Lexical Sets

1996 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Hanks
Keyword(s):  
Corpus Analysis ◽  
Accurate Description ◽  
Lexical Analysis ◽  
Contextual Dependency ◽  
Lexical Items ◽  
Significant Patterns

Preliminary findings from corpus analysis suggest that the semantics of each verb in the language are determined by the totality of its complementation patterns. Accurate description of those patterns requires a level of analytic delicacy which was not possible until the advent of large bodies of data, along with techniques for distinguishing significant patterns from mere noise. Such analysis is in its infancy, but it is already clear that, in order to analyse the semantics of verbs empirically, it is necessary to identify typical subjects, objects, and adverbials and to group individual lexical items into sets within those clause roles. The nature of lexical sets is discussed and an attempt is made to indicate the range of semantic and syntactic phenomena likely to be encountered in lexical analysis of this kind.

et les adjectifs comme ça

2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-234
Author(s):  
Isabelle Haïk
Keyword(s):  
Direct Object ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Object Position ◽  
Causative Constructions ◽  
Null Object ◽  
Specific Distribution ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Semantic Computation ◽  
Simple Sentences ◽  
Psychological Verbs

The syntax of psychological verbs like amuse has interested linguists for a number of years. Certain phenomena may be explained in a framework in which the syntax of these verbs involves a primitive causative predicate and a derived subject (originating from an object position). In other words, psych verbs like amuse are causative unaccusative (have a derived subject) transitive (have a direct object) verbs. I argue in the first part of the article that Romance object pro, the null object found in simple sentences like le chômage, ça n’amuse pas (“unemployment, that does not amuse (people)”) or a complexe sentence like ça ne fait pas rire (“that does not make (one) laugh”), is a property of Romance causative constructions, combined with the requirement that semantic computation be compositional. The latter requirement accounts for the very specific distribution of pro, basically only found with psych verbs. The former property explains why object pro is found in Romance languages and not in English. Still probing in the properties of French psych constructions, the second part of the article examines an exceptional class of slang psychological adjectives like marrant “funny”, which do not conform to the general syntax of V-ant adjectives. They have specific properties, explained within the framework developed in the first part of the article.

Granular bainite or granular ferrite? A preliminary TEM investigation of an HSLA-100 steel

1991 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 584-585
Author(s):  
R. Varughese ◽  
S. W. Thompson ◽  
P. R. Howell
Keyword(s):  
Room Temperature ◽  
Transformation Products ◽  
Accurate Description ◽  
Granular Bainite ◽  
Preliminary Results ◽  
The Past ◽  
Light Micrograph ◽  
Multiphase Reaction ◽  
Detailed Nature

Ever since Habraken and Economopoulos first employed the term granular bainite to classify certain unconventional transformation products in continuously cooled steels, the term has been widely accepted and used, despite the lack of a clear consensus as to the detailed nature of the transformation products which constitute granular bainite. This paper presents the preliminary results of a TEM investigation of an 0.04 wt% C, copper-containing steel (designated HSLA-100). It is suggested that the term granular ferrite rather than granular bainite is a more accurate description of this multiphase reaction product.Figure 1 is a light micrograph of a sample which had been air-cooled from 900°C to room temperature. The microstructure is typical of that which has been termed granular bainite in the past and appears to consist of equiaxed ferritic grains together with other minor transformation products. In order to examine these structures in more detail, both continuously cooled and isothermally transformed and quenched materials have been examined with TEM. Granular bainite has been found in virtually all samples.

Willughby's Buzzard: names and misnomers of the European Honey-buzzard (Pernis apivorus)

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. R. Birkhead ◽  
I. Charmantier ◽  
P. J. Smith ◽  
R. Montgomerie
Keyword(s):  
Accurate Description ◽  
Separate Species ◽  
Common Buzzard ◽  
Buteo Buteo ◽  
John Ray ◽  
The Common ◽  
Francis Willughby

The European Honey-buzzard (Pernis apivorus) was first accurately described and clearly distinguished from the Common Buzzard (Buteo buteo) by Francis Willughby and John Ray in their Ornithology, originally published in Latin in 1676. Alfred Newton's statement that Pierre Belon had described the species over a century earlier is not entirely correct, as Belon confused this honey-buzzard's features with those of the common buzzard and even appeared uncertain whether it was a separate species. One of Willughby's important contributions to ornithology was the identification and use of “characteristic marks” to distinguish and identify species, including those that distinguish the European Honey-buzzard from the Common Buzzard. Because Willughby provided the first accurate description of Pernis apivorus  – and because his contribution to ornithology has never been formally recognized –  we propose that the common name of the European Honey-buzzard be changed to Willughby's Buzzard.

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