Impact of Cash Transfer Programmes on School Attendance and Child Poverty: An Ex Ante Simulation for Sri Lanka

2011 ◽  
Vol 47 (11) ◽  
pp. 1699-1720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ajantha Sisira Kumara ◽  
Wade Donald Pfau
2017 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Edo ◽  
Mariana Marchionni ◽  
Santiago Garganta

Argentina has traditionally stood out in terms of educational outcomes among its Latin American counterparts. Schooling of older children, however, still shows room for improvement especially among the more vulnerable. Fortunately, during the last years a sizeable improvement in attendance rates for children aged 15 through 17 took place. This could be related to the 2006 National Education Law that made upper-secondary education compulsory. In this paper, instead, we claim that the Asignación Universal por Hijo (Universal Child Allowance, AUH) -a massive conditional cash transfer program implemented in 2009 in Argentina- may be mostly responsible for this improvement. Using a difference-in-difference strategy we estimate that the program accounts for a 3.9 percentage point increase in the probability of attending secondary school among eligible children aged 15 through 17. The impact seems to be led by boys and is more relevant for children living in larger families where the head of household has a lower educational level.


Author(s):  
Verónica Amarante ◽  
Rodrigo Arim ◽  
Gioia de Melo ◽  
Andrea Vigorito

2021 ◽  
Vol 111 (12) ◽  
pp. 2227-2238
Author(s):  
Tia Palermo ◽  
Leah Prencipe ◽  
Lusajo Kajula ◽  

Objectives. To examine the impacts of a government-implemented cash plus program on violence experiences and perpetration among Tanzanian adolescents. Methods. We used data from a cluster randomized controlled trial (n = 130 communities) conducted in the Mbeya and Iringa regions of Tanzania to isolate impacts of the “plus” components of the cash plus intervention. The panel sample comprised 904 adolescents aged 14 to 19 years living in households receiving a government cash transfer. We estimated intent-to-treat impacts on violence experiences, violence perpetration, and pathways of impact. Results. The plus intervention reduced female participants’ experiences of sexual violence by 5 percentage points and male participants’ perpetration of physical violence by 6 percentage points. There were no intervention impacts on emotional violence, physical violence, or help seeking. Examining pathways, we found positive impacts on self-esteem and participation in livestock tending and, among female participants, a positive impact on sexual debut delays and a negative effect on school attendance. Conclusions. By addressing poverty and multidimensional vulnerability, integrated social protection can reduce violence. Public Health Implications. There is high potential for scale-up and sustainability, and this program reaches some of the most vulnerable and marginalized adolescents. (Am J Public Health. 2021;111(12):2227–2238. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306509 )


Author(s):  
Maximilian Pentland ◽  
Eyal Cohen ◽  
Astrid Guttmann ◽  
Claire de Oliveira

Abstract Child poverty remains a persistent problem in Canada and is well known to lead to poor health outcomes. The Canada Child Benefit (CCB) is a cash transfer program in effect since 2016, which increased both the benefit amount and number of families eligible for the previous child benefit. While the CCB has decreased child poverty rates, not all eligible families have participated. Clinicians can play an important role in screening for uptake of the program and helping families navigate the application process through several free resources. While prior research on past programs has shown benefit of similar cash transfer programs to both child and parental outcomes (both health and social), the CCB has not yet been extensively studied. Research would be valuable in both assessing the cost effectiveness of the program, especially across different income groups, and improving implementation in hard-to-reach populations.


2006 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-709 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANTHONY HALL

Under the administrations of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995–2002) and especially President Lula (2003–), conditional cash transfer (CCT) programmes have become adopted as mainstream social policy in Brazil. This follows a marked trend since the 1990s in Latin America towards the setting up of targeted safety nets to alleviate poverty. Lula consolidated and expanded CCTs, firstly under Fome Zero and later Bolsa Família, now the largest such scheme in the world. Its four sub-programmes (educational stipends to boost school attendance, maternal nutrition, food supplements and a domestic gas subsidy) benefit some 30 million of Brazil's poorest people, with a target of 44 million by 2006. Since 2003, spending on Bolsa Família has risen significantly to consume over one-third of the social assistance budget for the poorest sectors and it remained a flagship policy in the run-up to the presidential elections of October 2006. Although coverage of Bolsa Família is impressive, however, systematic evaluation of its social and economic impacts is still lacking. Evidence from other CCT programmes in Latin America suggests that positive results may be achieved in terms of meeting some immediate needs of the poor. However, there have been many implementation problems. These include poor beneficiary targeting, lack of inter-ministerial coordination, inadequate monitoring, clientelism, weak accountability and alleged political bias. Given the heightened profile of cash transfers in Brazil's social policy agenda, key questions need to be asked. These concern, firstly, the extent to which Bolsa Família does indeed contribute to poverty alleviation; and secondly, whether it creates greater dependence of the poor on government hand-outs and political patronage at the expense of long-term social investment for development.


Author(s):  
Fabián A. Borges

The last two decades witnessed an unprecedented decline in poverty across the developing world, a decline partly explained by the adoption of social cash transfer programs. Ironically, Latin America, traditionally the world’s most unequal region, has been a global trendsetter in this regard. Beginning in the late 1990s, governments across the region and across the ideological spectrum began adopting conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs, which award poor families regular stipends conditional on their children attending school and/or getting regular medical check-ups, and non-contributory pension (NCP) schemes for low-income and/or uncovered seniors. There is robust evidence that CCT programs achieve their short-term goals of reducing poverty while increasing school attendance and usage of health services. However, they do not improve learning and appear to be failing at their long-term goal of breaking the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Likely as a result of low-quality education, long-term CCT beneficiaries do not have significantly better economic prospects than comparable non-beneficiaries. CCTs also have electoral effects—there is robust evidence from across the region that they increase support for incumbent presidential candidates. CCTs were a response to the two big transformations the region underwent during the 1980s: the debt crisis and subsequent lost decade and the transition of most countries to democracy. Increased economic insecurity following the crisis and subsequent neoliberal reforms represented both a threat to the survival of newly elected governments and an opportunity for politicians to win over voters through increased social assistance. Pioneered by Mexico and Brazil in the mid-1990s, CCTs were by far the most effective policies to emerge from that context. They quickly diffused across the region, often with support from international financial institutions. Counterintuitively, adoption appears to be unrelated to the ascendance of left-wing governments in the region during the 2000s. The politics of CCT design are less understood. The myriad ways in which design can be conceptualized and measured, combined with the relative newness of this literature, have limited the accumulation of knowledge. It does appear that left-wing governments adopt more expansive CCTs and de-emphasize conditionality enforcement. Whereas their initial adoption and expansion, which coincided with the 2000s economic boom, proved politically easy, further reductions in poverty will require politically difficult choices, namely, raising taxes and/or redirecting funds away from programs benefiting the better-off. Improving the long-term effectiveness of CCTs will require improving education quality, which in turn will require challenging the region’s powerful teachers’ unions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (10) ◽  
pp. 1205-1213
Author(s):  
Sabine Margarete Damerow ◽  
Manjula Weerasinghe ◽  
Lizell Bustamante Madsen ◽  
Kristian Schultz Hansen ◽  
Melissa Pearson ◽  
...  

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