On the Proper Role of Government in the Dual Economy

1979 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 127-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walt Schubert
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathy J. Cooke

From 1862 to 1923, congressional seed distribution was among the most important functions of the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). One of the largest agricultural programs in the late nineteenth century, the practice itself stayed in place until 1923. The subject of little historical research, the seed distribution project is usually viewed as a failure of the scientific agricultural establishment, or as vote mongering by Congress, and its demise as the simple culmination of Progressive Era reform. However, this episode in American history reveals much more than debates over science and agriculture by highlighting the many cultural, economic, scientific, and political questions about the proper role of government in a democracy. By examining heated contemporary political exchanges and published critiques, this article assesses what different constituencies viewed as good in government as they argued for or against free seed distribution, even as the USDA used seed as a vehicle for consolidating the place of science and knowledge in agriculture and in government.


2012 ◽  
Vol 524-527 ◽  
pp. 2940-2943
Author(s):  
Kai Zhao

The proper role of government in economic development is one of the biggest single issues confronting China today. The paper attempts to trace and describe the role played by the government in renewable energy development. The goals focused in the article are two ones. The first one is to explore the theoretical basis on the role of government. The second one is to examine the practices in China. Based on the analysis of theory and practices in China, the paper argues that government propelling is quite crucial to renewable energy development, and concludes that further incentive policies and implementation system should be improved.


1999 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 166-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Wilson

Public key infrastructure (PKI) has been discussed for some time but has yet to command much attention from business or policy makers. The benefits of chaining certificate authorities (CA) together have not been obvious and confusion has reigned over the proper role of government. But a new PKI model emphasises control and audit, so that certificates may be issued to different user groups under their own rules, with external assurance of fitness for purpose. This type of model is supported by existing standards certification and accreditation processes. No special new authorities are needed and complex cross‐certification protocols are avoided. Other advantages of an accreditation‐based PKI include a non‐government peak authority, an opt‐in, bottom‐up growth path, easily understood business language for all the elements of the PKI, and clarification of the legal liability of all CAs, in particular the peak authority.


1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-93
Author(s):  
Vardaman R. Smith

In the ‘Introduction’ to Capitalism and Freedom, Friedman's stated intentions are to: (i) establish the role of competitive capitalism as a system of economic freedom and a necessary condition for political freedom; (ii) indicate the proper role of government in a free society; and (iii) return the term ‘liberal’ ‘… to its original sense – as the doctrines pertaining to a free man’ (1962, p. 6). In fact, Friedman accomplishes none of these things. This essay has three distinct, though related, objectives: first, to compare Friedman's position with the liberal alternative; second, to show why Friedman's position is more properly regarded as libertarian than liberal; and third, to assess the quality of Friedman's argument in its own right. My purpose is to demonstrate that Friedman overlooks the important liberal insight that the unrestricted accumulation of private propety may limit rather than promote individual freedom. This omission is crucial. Not only does it divorce Friedman's conception from liberalism, it also vitiates his case for economic freedom as a necessary condition for political freedom.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-356
Author(s):  
Josh Guetzkow

This article advances our understanding of the well-documented trade-off between welfare and prisons by analyzing US congressional hearings on welfare and criminal justice policies in two periods: the “Great Society” of 1961–67 and the “neoliberal” era of 1981–96. Comparing policymakers’ conceptions about the causes of poverty and crime, about poor and criminal populations, and about the proper role of government, the findings show that conceptions across policy domains are similar in each period and have changed in similar ways over time. These changes correspond to markedly different policy responses to poverty and crime in the two periods, favoring welfare over prisons in the earlier period and prisons over welfare in the later period. The article discusses the implications for an understanding of the punitive turn in public policies, for theories of social control, and for research on the role of ideas in policymaking.


Author(s):  
David C. Rose

This chapter explains why as free market democracies grow and support ever more mass flourishing, both the abuse and the neglect problems associated with the cultural commons intensify. As the abuse problem gets harder to recognize, the neglect problem worsens even further. Falling trust opens the door to redistributive and regulatory favoritism which, in turn, actuates political tribalism that is shown to reduce trust in the democratic system. The theory of market failure is shown to produce an important distinction in the proper role of government that helps avoid this downward spiral whereby democracy sows the seeds of its own demise. This has important implications for the emergence of new beliefs that are deleterious to high-trust societies and that allow the proliferation of corruption and points to a civic role for trust-producing moral beliefs.


Author(s):  
Colleen Doody

This chapter demonstrates how anti-Communism became a means to debate the proper role of government on the issue of race rights. Liberals and their leftist allies supported the wartime New Deal's vision of an expanded role for government in both fair housing and fair employment for African Americans. They embraced the inclusive, democratic nationalism of the New Deal. Opponents of this view argued that racial advances would come at the expense of white workers and homeowners. These groups supported a far more limited conception of the New Deal, one that shied away from racial equality while providing federal support for white homeownership. They often equated racial egalitarianism with Socialism and Communism.


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