The divergent climate change approaches of the EU and the US: an analysis of contributing factors

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-481
Author(s):  
Evan Healey ◽  
Hareem Hilal ◽  
Kathrine Cornali Lerche ◽  
Shao Yan Ng ◽  
Grace Osberg ◽  
...  
2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacopo Torriti ◽  
Ragnar Lofstedt

In times of low economic growth and post-Copenhagen climate talks, a number of reasons for regulatory competition and cooperation between the United States and the European Union coexist. This paper discusses the role of Impact Assessment between the US and the EU on responses to the economic downturn and climate change. It is argued that, in the future, IAs will be an instrument through which it will be possible to read the level of cooperation and competition between the US and the EU, particularly on economic trade and environmental regulation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 431-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEPHANIE BRUNELIN ◽  
JAIME DE MELO ◽  
ALBERTO PORTUGAL-PEREZ

AbstractThe value of preferential market access schemes has fallen sharply. Drawing on a relaxation announcement of July 2016 simplifying origin requirements for access to the EU that should help improve market access, thereby contributing to alleviate the refugee crisis in Jordan, this paper argues that a simplification of origin requirements is a straightforward way to enhance preferential market access. Yet, the EU decision limits the beneficiaries who must be located in designated special economic zones, which limits preferential market access. The paper compares the performance of Jordanian exports to the EU and the US under their respective FTAs. It shows that Jordanian exports to the US have grown more rapidly than exports to the EU over the last 15 years. The study documents lower utilisation of preferences in the EU than in the US, especially in Textiles and Apparel (T&A) in spite of non-negligible preferences. Three contributing factors are identified: (i) higher adjusted preferences for apparel in the US than in the EU; (ii) greater competition from other suppliers (mostly from LDCs) in the EU market than in the US market; (iii) simpler origin requirements in the case of the Jordan–US FTA. Comparative evidence from the two FTAs and econometric estimates suggest that this should help restore market access for Jordanian exports to the EU. These estimates provide additional evidence that origin requirements suppress market access. Other pathways to simplify origin requirements are offered in the conclusion.


Significance Member states have asked the European Commission to spend the next nine months developing a plan containing “high impact and visible projects” to rival the BRI. While EU efforts to counter the BRI are not new, the political will has never been as strong as it is now. Impacts China will seek to make the BRI more attractive, such as by launching more initiatives to tackle climate change. Europe will remain distant from the US position on China, unless Germany gets a Green chancellor or Macron loses the 2022 election. The deterioration of the EU's relations with Hungary and Poland over rule-of-law issues could push those countries closer to China.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christer Karlsson ◽  
Charles Parker ◽  
Mattias Hjerpe ◽  
Björn-Ola Linnér

There is widespread consensus that effective leadership will be required in order to successfully address the climate change challenge. Presently there are a number of self-proclaimed climate change leaders, but leadership is a relationship between leaders and followers. An actor aspiring to be a leader needs to be recognized as such. Despite its fundamental importance for leadership relationships, the demand side of the leadership equation has been comparatively neglected by past research. In this study we are looking for leaders by analyzing the perceptions of climate change leadership among UNFCCC COP-14 participants. Our results show that the climate change leadership mantle will have to be worn by more than one actor. Among the leadership candidates the EU was most widely recognized as a leader, however, only a small minority reported that they saw the EU as the only leader. The data also show that the US and the G77 thus far have failed to impress potential followers and it was China that clearly emerged as the second strongest leadership candidate.


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (spe) ◽  
pp. 70-87
Author(s):  
Nicole de Paula Domingos

The European Union's (EU) decision to include aviation into the Emissions Trade Scheme was heatedly contested. Countries around the world, but mainly the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa group (BRICS) and the US, denounced the EU's initiate as illegal and unilateral. Following a decade of frustrated negotiations at the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), this paper interrogates why such measure, in principle climate-friendly, inspired so much global resentment. I argue that concerns with competitiveness and risks of legal inconsistency are important, but insufficient elements to explain the core of the conflict. The paper suggests that the EU was strongly criticized because third countries perceived this action as an imposed solution, which fostered an environment of distrust. Therefore, I claim that the problem has more to do with a normative divide than with a substantive divergence on what should be done regarding aviation emissions. My analysis is informed by the present literature on the links between trade and climate change, but gives particular weight to first-hand information through interviews with key stakeholders. The paper is divided in three parts. First, it presents the scope of the EU directive in historical perspective. Second, it explores the EU's measure through three different angles: legal, economical and political. The final part explores some possible solutions to overcome these divergences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-282
Author(s):  
Felipe Leal Albuquerque

Abstract The election of Donald Trump brought disarray to the climate change regime. The changes in what was up to then a promoter of the liberal international order (LIO) exacerbated existing tensions while creating new ones. This paper investigates how that challenge impacted the behaviours of Brazil, China and the European Union (EU) by comparatively analysing their dissimilar positions with respect to three indicators before and after Trump’s coming into power. These indicators are individual pledges and climate-related policies; approaches to climate finance; and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC). The analysis first shows how the US started eroding the broader LIO and the climate change regime to then delve into the behaviours of the three respective key players concerning climate talks. I sustain that the EU, despite its inner divisions, is already counteracting Washington, whereas China is combining a pro-status quo position based on a rhetorical condemnation of the United States. Brazil, in turn, had a transition towards a climate-sceptic government, shifting from being a cooperative actor to abdicating hosting the COP25.


Author(s):  
Ruven Fleming ◽  
Joshua P Fershee

The chapter provides a wide-ranging look at prospects for ‘the hydrogen economy’ regarding fuel. In the European Union, hydrogen may be a means to address the intermittency of supply in the renewables sector. The US emphasis on hydrogen to operate motor vehicles contrasts with the EU’s broader climate change driven move to explore alternatives to fossil fuel. Regarding drivers of energy innovation, it is striking that the US introduction of hydrogen is specifically aimed at the transport sector and was driven by security of supply reasons rather than climate change. Further technological innovation is evident in that hydrogen can be injected into the natural gas grid or stored in dedicated reservoirs. In this regard, the chapter analyses the legal innovations required, by considering the impact on and interaction with the storage provisions of the EU Gas Directive and the proposed storage provision in the recast Electricity Directive.


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