scholarly journals Territorial Politics, Devolution and Spatial Planning in the UK: Results, Prospects, Lessons

2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Colomb ◽  
John Tomaney
2021 ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

The book has provided four sets of conclusions. First, the examination of territorial strain, the nature of territorial problems and the characteristics of background conditions gives us a lens through which to evaluate critically the social, economic and cultural context to territorial politics. The second set of conclusions relate to the approaches used in the movements for territorial constitutional change in exploiting the support they did have and overcoming those weaknesses that still existed. As part of the reality of how territorial change happens it is to be expected that in the particular case of the UK that all territorial movements emerged out of party political contestation and self-interested party choices, and then had to define approaches heavily determined by party constraints. The third set of conclusions relate to UK central government. The UK centre was also in part defined by the pursuit of party power, and the key party at the UK level ready to address territorial constitutional reform — the Labour Party — faced large challenges and anxieties after 18 years out of office when they prepared for the 1997 general election. The final set of conclusions relate to the importance of constitutional policy processes to the resolution of conflicts in centre–periphery relations. Approaches to the development of devolution policy were followed which made the best efforts to achieve territorial balance under the constraints that they faced. The policy processes in Scotland and Northern Ireland achieved sometimes high, but at least sufficient, levels of inclusiveness in their mechanisms of negotiation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 241-272
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This chapter addresses the reform of government in England over the entire period between 1997 and 2007. First, the chapter considers the nature of the territorial strain, problem and resources for change present in England. Second, the chapter considers peripheral elite leadership in England — whether through intermediate English elite or English regional elite leadership — and the codes, strategies and goals pursued. It explores further the thesis that movements for territorial change also in England adopted indirect instrumental cases for territorial reform rather than direct identity-based ones, emphasising functional arguments and the development of institutional mechanisms for gradual decentralisation, rather than major root and branch reform. Third, the chapter analyses the approach of UK central government, and in particular that of the British Labour leadership both in opposition before 1997 and in government afterwards. Here, we should note that Bulpitt suggested that the English governing code had tended to parallel the indirect local elite assimilation approach used territorially in the rest of the UK. Nevertheless, under modernisation projects since the 1960s, including those of the Thatcher–Major governments, the overall government strategy was a promotional one, often requiring direct central intervention in the short term to realise central governing projects. Finally, the chapter assesses the policy process by which English reform was developed, the extent to which it may be seen as effective and legitimate, and judged as successful or not in sustaining a new centre.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Michelle Slater ◽  
Jim Claydon

Ten years after the Marine and Coastal Access Act 2009 that introduced marine planning to UK, this article investigates the progress and effectiveness of marine plans. It identifies that initial plans are still being produced in parts of the UK. Scotland has led the way with a National Marine Plan that has already been reviewed. England’s approach has been to produce a sequence of regional plans with two adopted. Wales adopted its National Marine Plan in November 2019 and Northern Ireland’s national marine plans are under preparation. The article examines the effectiveness of the plans through a framework informed by implementation theory assuming that plan-making indicates a ‘top-down’ approach to policy. The plans and their policies are assessed to draw reflections on the soundness of the documents. Marine licensing decisions are considered to assess the extent to which they reflect adopted policies. Limited evidence of the explicit influence of policies in those decisions was established. The findings were supplemented by interviews with key actors including applicants. This revealed a culture of conciliation and cooperation among decision-makers. Analysis and reflection led to positive and challenging conclusions for the future development of marine plan-making in the UK and elsewhere.


1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Nadin Shaw ◽  
D. Shaw
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
pp. 69-102
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This chapter addresses territorial politics and the introduction of devolution in Scotland. It discusses the validity of the proposition that, even in Scotland, resources were weak relative to reformers' aspirations. Throughout, the chapter addresses the movement for territorial change in Scotland and explores the proposition that in the context of power politics and resource deficiencies, it adopted constrained aims and incorporated an instrumentalist approach to achieve them. Equally, the chapter considers how the British Labour leadership politically managed the emergence of devolution proposals, and explores the idea that in the context of similar relative resource deficiencies, it adopted a code focused on achieving indirect central control. Finally, the chapter considers the policy process by which devolution proposals were created, both in opposition and in government, and the extent to which it contributed to their perceived effectiveness and legitimacy, and whether Scottish devolution overall could be considered to be a successful reform. To address these issues and theoretical questions, the chapter develops chronologically. Section one focuses on territorial politics and the political debate on the constitutional question in Scotland and at the UK centre in the 1980s. Section two addresses the preparation of devolution policy in Scotland during the 1990s and the significance of the referendum on Scottish devolution held in September 1997. Finally, section three considers the Blair government's preparation of devolution policy 1997–8, the Scotland Act 1998 and plans for its implementation.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This is the first of a two-volume work which provides an authoritative account of devolution in the UK since the initial settlement under New Labour in 1997. This first volume meets the need for a comprehensive, UK-wide analysis of the formative years of devolution from the years 1997 to 2007, offering a rigorous and theoretically innovative re-examination of the period that traces territorial politics from initial settlements in Scotland and Wales and the Good Friday agreement in Northern Ireland to early maturity. The book reviews the trajectory and influencing factors of devolution and its subsequent impacts, using a novel framework to set a significant new agenda for thinking and research on devolution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 229-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Ritchie ◽  
Linda McElduff

Abstract With the concept of marine spatial planning (MSP) firmly established in the UK with its own legislation, policies and plans underway, this paper critically revisits MSP as part of the wider debate associated with the social reconstruction of the marine environment, as first discussed by Peel and Lloyd’s seminal paper in 2004. We propose that their identified ‘marine problem’ remains and indeed has exacerbated. We ascertain that there has been much change in the governance of the marine environment that has both positively and negatively altered the way that society has (re)constructed solutions to that marine problem. We revisit Hannigan’s (1995) social constructionist framework, showing the degree to which the prerequisites have been satisfied, by providing an overview of how the marine problem has intensified in the preceding 15 years and how the marine problem has now captured the wider public’s attention. We then look at the how the response to the marine problem has evolved by examining at the current marine planning arrangements across the UK. We conclude by stating that the whence of MSP is clear, culminating with the formal introduction of MSP in the UK which has positively altered the way in which the marine environment is socially reconstructed. The whither is much more unclear. With a continually rapidly moving agenda of change, there is much more to be done for us to say that the marine problem has been successfully socially reconstructed.


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