Preserving the Press: How Daily Newspapers Mobilized to Keep their Readers.

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 110-112
Author(s):  
Charles E. Rankin
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Anna V. Petrova

The article analyses the reaction of the press to the publication of A Writer’s Diary in 1873. It aims to answer the question of why leading daily newspapers such as Golos, Sankt-Peterburgskie Vedomosti, Birzhevye Vedomosti, Novoye Vremya, did not accept and negatively evaluated Dostoevsky’s work as columnist and editor of the Grazhdanin. Dostoevsky returned to the newspaper business with a new genre, and from the very beginning of A Writer's Diary he declares his unlimited freedom of choice about the topics and format of his conversations with the reader. This fact immediately distinguished him from other columnists, who usually followed the standards of the feuilleton (a genre normally dedicated to the latest news), and strictly obeyed their editorial policies, constantly taking into account the publisher’s “wishes”. Columnists from leading newspapers in 1873–1874 could not find similarities between their work and Dostoevsky’s, between his method of describing reality and theirs, and so they neither could nor wanted to see the author’s novelty and originality that went beyond the established newspaper practice, to be surprised by the courage and innovation of his Writer’s Diary. Instead, most of the journalists (Lev Panyutin, Arkady Kovner, Mikhail Wilde and others) chose to be “critical” and – using irony, satirical attacks, sarcastic comments mockingly sought to undermine Dostoevsky’s authority as a columnist and discredit the values that he put above all in A Writer's Diary in 1873 (a “heartfelt” knowledge of Christ, the purification through suffering, the preservation of a relationship with the people). The article attempts to trace the development of this controversy and the factors that influenced its contents.


1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-71
Author(s):  
Carolyn Malone

The cry of labor has seized the world’s ear. The Press, the Legislature, and the world at large is listening to the voice of labor…. When this journal first resolved to secure a hearing for all working-class questions, there was scarcely a column of a leading London newspaper which was then open. Now, following our lead, every great daily paper has its labor section…. Nor is it only the press which is watchful. It is the readers of the Press….This self-promoting editorial in the Star in 1891 made a critical point: labor issues were becoming a standard feature in daily newspapers. Sweating, loopholes in factory legislation, and the famous Dock and Match Girls’ strikes were among the subjects found in the pages of papers such as the Star. This trend in reporting was part of the “New Journalism” that developed in England between the 1880s and 1914. In an attempt to cater to the tastes of mass audiences, there was a shift in emphasis from parliamentary and political news to sports, gossip, crime, and sex. Papers, for instance, reported on the brutal Jack the Ripper murders in the East End of London. New journalists and editors, like W. T. Stead and Thomas P. O’Connor, also produced interviews, exposes, and political editorials in order to influence public opinion and promote what Stead called “government by journalism.” Stead produced what has been called the most successful piece of scandal journalism of the nineteenth century, “The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon,” which depicted young girls for sale to older men. Passage of the 1885 Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent for sex to sixteen, was one of its political consequences.


2014 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Judá Leão Lobo ◽  
Luís Fernando Lopes Pereira

Este artigo delineia as principais características da imprensa durante o reinado de D. Pedro II e busca explicar o porquê de ter sido tão poderosa instituição no processo político-constitucional do período por meio da comparação da alta e da baixa cultura jurídica, uma baseada no pensamento constitucional e outra na imprensa diária, respectivamente. Por tal procedimento, buscamos desvelar a íntima conexão entre esses dois polos do espectro jurídico, assim como a especificidade da opinião pública brasileira durante o Segundo Reinado. Ambos os resultados foram atingidos por abordagem empírica de fontes primárias produzidas no período, tais como livros de autores destacados e debates públicos surgindo de periódicos diários de Curitiba, a capital da recém-estabelecida província do Paraná. Havendo condições sociais, políticas, teóricas e institucionais favoráveis, a imprensa era, sem rival, a principal instituição representando a opinião pública no processo constitucional. Embora deputados e senadores tivessem amplo direito à liberdade de expressão na tribuna e cidadãos comuns pudessem interferir nos negócios públicos pelo direito de petição, a imprensa superou tais direitos e se tornou verdadeiro Tribunal da Opinião Pública. Contudo, os critérios pelos quais a poderosa instituição julgava decisões políticas e administrativas eram mais morais que legais, e a legalidade era menos importante que a força moral. Com efeito, sanções previstas em lei eram frequentemente negligenciadas, enquanto a responsabilidade moral estendia seus vereditos inclusive a casos que observavam os preceitos legais. PALAVRAS-CHAVEForça moral. Liberdade de imprensa. Monarquia Constitucional brasileira. Opinião Pública. Responsabilidade moral.  ABSTRACT This article sets forth the main features of the press during the reign of Pedro II and tries to explain the reasons why it was such a powerful institution in the constitutional ongoing process of the period, and so by bringing the upper legal reasoning of the Constitutional Monarchy and the lower legal thought of the daily press together. Through this procedure, we intent to unveil the inner connection between these two sides of the juridical culture, as well as the specificity of the Brazilian public opinion during the Second Reign. Both of these outcomes were brought to light through an empirical approach to primary sources of the period, such as books of distinguished authors and public debates arising from daily newspapers of Curitiba, the capital of the recently established Paraná province. Since there were social, political, theoretical and institutional slanting conditions, the press was overwhelmingly the main institution representing the public opinion in the constitutional process. Even though representatives and senators had a broad right to free speech in congressional ground and ordinary citizens could interfere in public affairs through the petition right, the press overcame these rights and became a real Public Opinion Court. However, the criteria by which this powerful institution tried administrative and political decisions were more moral than legal, and lawfulness was less important than moral strength. Indeed, legal punishments were very often neglected, whilst moral responsibility stretched out its verdicts even to lawful cases. KEYWORDSBrazilian Constitutional Monarchy. Freedom of the press. Moral responsibility. Moral strength. Public opinion.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thierry Giasson ◽  
Colette Brin ◽  
Marie-Michele Sauvageau

Résumé.De mars 2006 à décembre 2007, le Québec a été secoué par un débat sociétal sur la question de la gestion de la diversité culturelle. Cette «crise» aurait été alimentée par untsunami médiatiquetraitant de divers cas d'accommodements juridiques ou d'ajustements administratifs accordés dans les services publics à des citoyens québécois issus de l'immigration dans la grande région de Montréal (Giasson et coll., 2008). Par le biais d'une couverture étendue, les médias ont attiré l'attention de la population sur ces pratiques d'accommodement. L'article présente les données exploratoires d'une analyse de contenu de la couverture faite par onze journaux québécois du climat de l'opinion des Québécois en matière de diversité et d'immigration pendant la phase intensive de développement du débat. L'étude montre que dans leur analyse des sondages d'opinion et dans la présentation générale des tendances de l'opinion publique sur les accommodements raisonnables, les journaux ont mis l'accent sur l'évaluation du malaise des répondants envers l'immigration et la diversité religieuse plutôt que sur l'ouverture de la population québécoise envers la diversité et sur l'apport social de l'immigration, renforçant ainsi davantage l'impression populaire qu'une crise sociale majeure se déroulait et qu'il existait un fossé entre les Québécois «de souche», les Québécois issus de l'immigration et les autres Canadiens.Abstract.From March 2006 to December 2007, the province of Quebec experienced a contentious public debate on diversity. The “crisis” was fueled by a “media tsunami” during which news outlets actively reported on numerous cases of reasonable accommodation practices or administrative agreements in public services granted in the Greater Montreal region to citizens of immigrant background (Giasson et al., 2008). Through this extensive coverage, the media brought these instances of accommodation to the public's attention. The research studies the press coverage that 11 daily newspapers dedicated to the state of public opinion in Quebec during the active and intense development phase of the “crisis”. The study shows that in their analysis of polls and their general framing of the mood of public opinion towards reasonable accommodation, newspapers focused mostly on the malaise in the population toward immigration and religious diversity rather than on its openness to diversity and to the positive social outcomes of immigration. In doing so, the media further anchored the popular impression that a serious social crisis was ongoing and that a wide gap in tolerance existed between Francophone Quebeckers, Quebeckers of recent immigrant background and other Canadians.


1983 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Peter B White ◽  
Naomi Rosh

In 1963 and 1964 four people associated with Melbourne's wholesale fruit and vegetable market were the victims of shotgun attacks. Because ail the victims were of Italian origin, newspaper reports depicted the crimes as the work of a Mafia organization. This analysis of the press reports, based on the theoretical work of Alfred Schutz, shows how the crimes and the police investigation were described in Melbourne's daily newspapers. The reports in the different newspapers are compared, and the differences are explained by referring to the journalists' expectations about the interests of their readers.


2009 ◽  
Vol 92 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marian J. Rubchak

In 1991, Ukrainian independence opened an important theoretical channel for debating the status of its women. The people's collective memory of an ancient matriarchy generated a neo-matriarchal mythology which has been transformed into a delusional ideology that legitimizes female subordination, in the name of her alleged empowerment. Fieldwork in Ukraine – annual visits, including travel from one end of the country to another in official capacities, and many extended stays in Ukraine, as a scholar, researcher, educator and participant in key events, provided opportunities for exchanging views with countless people from many walks of life throughout the country. Participation in a host of programs – television ‘specials’ on gender, seminars, retreats, workshops and conferences, designed to raise the consciousness of women and men alike – provided an array of opportunities to observe at first hand the way that today's women construct individual identity. Extensive research in the press (many runs of daily newspapers, including Den’, in Kyiv, and Vysoky Zamok in Lviv, and women's journals such as the widely read Zhinka, among others) added further insights. Television viewing, popular publications collected habitually during my numerous visits to Ukraine, copies of documents contributed by my Ukrainian friends and colleagues, outdoor advertising, posters and intimate gatherings at the homes of likeminded women, all played a part in the formation of my impressions of Ukrainian women's inferior status. In this paper I use my findings to explore the conflicting discourses on women's alleged empowerment, and the essentialist constraints on their self-realization, together with measures adopted to date on changing gender stereotypes and promoting equal rights and opportunities.


1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Griffin ◽  
Sharon Dunwoody

An analysis of 373 daily newspapers in the Midwest found that community structure and an information subsidy from an environmental group affected press coverage of a story about pollution from industrial toxins. A press kit the group sent to some newspapers appears to have influenced the papers to run a story on industrial toxic releases, but it primarily prompted editors to delegate local staff to cover the story. Results indicate that the press' function to report or raise issues concerning industrial toxic releases and related health risks is tempered by community structure and particularly by community reliance on manufacturing.


Author(s):  
Anna V. Petrova

The article analyses the reaction of the press to the publication of A Writer’s Diary in 1873. It aims to answer the question of why leading daily newspapers such as Golos, Sankt-Peterburgskie Vedomosti, Birzhevye Vedomosti, Novoye Vremya, did not accept and negatively evaluated Dostoevsky’s work as columnist and editor of the Grazhdanin. Dostoevsky returned to the newspaper business with a new genre, and from the very beginning of A Writer's Diary he declares his unlimited freedom of choice about the topics and format of his conversations with the reader. This fact immediately distinguished him from other columnists, who usually followed the standards of the feuilleton (a genre normally dedicated to the latest news), and strictly obeyed their editorial policies, constantly taking into account the publisher’s “wishes”. Columnists from leading newspapers in 1873–1874 could not find similarities between their work and Dostoevsky’s, between his method of describing reality and theirs, and so they neither could nor wanted to see the author’s novelty and originality that went beyond the established newspaper practice, to be surprised by the courage and innovation of his Writer’s Diary. Instead, most of the journalists (Lev Panyutin, Arkady Kovner, Mikhail Wilde and others) chose to be “critical” and – using irony, satirical attacks, sarcastic comments mockingly sought to undermine Dostoevsky’s authority as a columnist and discredit the values that he put above all in A Writer's Diary in 1873 (a “heartfelt” knowledge of Christ, the purification through suffering, the preservation of a relationship with the people). The article attempts to trace the development of this controversy and the factors that influenced its contents.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document