Can Cellphone Shutdowns Stop Terrorist Violence? Evidence from Pakistan

Author(s):  
Fatima Mustafa
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Lawrence P. Markowitz ◽  
Mariya Y. Omelicheva

This chapter examines low levels of terrorist violence in Muslim-majority societies. Studies of terrorism have tended to view the relationship between religion and violence through the narrow lens of security, thereby overpredicting the extent of terrorist violence across societies. After reviewing the various explanations for terrorist violence, and applying them to Central Asia, this chapter explores the conditions under which a state’s involvement in illicit economies—specifically its collusion in the drug trade—can dampen levels of terrorist violence. Combining quantitative analysis (including GIS-enabled tools) with a series of in-depth expert interviews conducted in Central Asia, it emphasizes the complex political economy of security that defines infrastructurally weak states, where political and security apparatuses are often immersed in informal and illicit economies. This approach helps uncover the complex links between religion and organized violence, where state apparatuses are often drawn into collaborative relationships with nonstate actors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Bove ◽  
Riccardo Di Leo

AbstractThroughout the coronavirus outbreak, politicians and commentators have often adopted a war-like rhetoric, invoking a language more often associated to terrorist violence, rather than epidemics. Although COVID-19 represents primarily a public health emergency, not inflicted by human agency, there are similarities in the type and scope of regulations governments have introduced to tackle the virus and to respond to terrorist attacks. In this article, we first ask what we can learn from the extant studies on the attitudinal and emotional consequences of terrorism, relating it to recent research on public opinions in the wake of COVID-19, in order to better understand and predict how the pandemic will influence public sentiments. We then analyze how attitudes can shift when a critical event not only threatens the population of a country as a whole, but directly affects its political leader. Leveraging recently released survey data, we show how the announcement of Angela Merkel’s quarantine significantly dampened the trust in and the credibility of her government, although this effect was short-lived.


Author(s):  
Nunzio Pernicone ◽  
Fraser M. Ottanelli

Chapter 2 explains the role of government repression as the primary precipitant of Italian anarchist violence. Specifically it describes how, in a climate of growing economic hardship and social unrest among the peasantry and factory workers, in 1878 Giovanni Passanante’s failed “tyrannicide” of King Umberto I provided Italian authorities with a justification to attempt to deliver a mortal blow to socialism and the International. Repression took various forms. Socialists and anarchists groups were dissolved, their newspapers suppressed, rank-and-file members classified as “malefactors” and subjected to ammonizione (admonishment) and domicilio coatto (internal exile). Important anarchists were arrested and those who escaped detention, as in the case of Errico Malatesta and Carlo Cafiero, forced into exile. These developments led many anarchists to embrace anti-organizational forms of revolutionary ideology and practices that rejected all forms of organization and exalted terrorist violence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 15-58
Author(s):  
Benedict Wilkinson

This chapter charts the growth of violent Islamism through the prism of strategic scripts introduced in the first chapter. It focuses on the Muslim Brotherhood’s emergence and development of the Secret Apparatus, before looking at the lesser-known organizations of the 1960s such as Takfir wal-Hijra and the Military Academy Group, who resorted to terrorist violence to gain critical mass for their confrontation with the regime. The remainder of the chapter looks at groups like Tanzim al-Jihad, Egyptian Islamic Jihad (EIJ) [al-Jihad al-Islami] and the Egyptian Islamic Group (EIG) [al-Gama’a al-Islamiyya], charting their use of different strategic scripts in their conflict with the regime.


2019 ◽  
pp. 259-280
Author(s):  
Mridu Rai

Mridu Rai discusses the location of Kashmiri Muslims in India after the BJP’s electoral win in 2014, identifying how Kashmiri Muslims are made to serve as contrapuntal symbols for constructing a mythical Hindu nation – of terrorist violence, illegitimate religious impulses and sedition. Rai argues that the evocatory purpose Kashmiris serve is so essential to Hindutva that it dissipates the possibility of resolving the Kashmir question under the Modi-led BJP. The preference for militaristic modes of dominance has allowed India to eschew its responsibility of administering Kashmir through democratic engagement and of seeking negotiated settlement with all segments of the public. This governance confines Kashmiris to a reality of daily atrocities, including shootings, mass graves and gendered violence. The study of the mistreatment of Kashmiris by the Indian state and Hindu nationalists is important, as similar repressive strategies are being deployed in the heartland of India against other minority groups.


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