The Sino–Japanese Relationship and Its Implications for Regional Security in East Asia

2015 ◽  
Vol 37 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 288-295
Author(s):  
Noboru Yamaguchi
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Regional Security

The China-Russia-Japan Military Balance in Manchuria, 1906–1918

2010 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 1283-1311
Author(s):  
ASADA MASAFUMI
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Alliance Partner ◽  
History Of ◽  
Triangular Relationship ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Balance

AbstractEven after the Russo-Japanese War, Manchuria remained the powder keg of East Asia. In the war's aftermath, three empires, the Qing, the Russian and the Japanese, stationed their troops in Manchuria, in a struggle for military supremacy there. There has already been a considerable amount of research on these military activities. However, previous works have not discussed them from a triangular relationship. This paper contends that the history of modern East Asia cannot be understood until one examines the shift in the military balance in Manchuria from a triangular comparative point of view. The results of such examination show that, in Manchuria, each empire was unable to establish military domination alone, and therefore needed an alliance partner. During the Xinhai Revolution, the Russia-Japan ‘alliance’ wielded overwhelming military power against China. However, after the Russian Revolution in 1917, Japan renounced cooperation with a weakened Russia and built a new partnership with China to advance the Siberian intervention. The military triangle of Russia, China and Japan was unable to create a comprehensive regional security system in Manchuria because what was established was based on mutual distrust and fear.

The Impact of European and Chinese Soft Power on Regional and Global Governance

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
SEBASTIAN BERSICK
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Impact

This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global governance. Taking the ASEM process as a case, it shows how Europeans and Asians have approached the interaction from different institutional perspectives. Despite this, it sees ASEM as a process that reflects, and promotes, the advance of regional institutionalism in East Asia, adding an important dimension to the Europe–China relationship. This is then contrasted with the US strategy of dual divergence: a divergent internal strategy that rejects institutionalism for managing regional security; and an external divergent strategy that rejects the building of shared and reciprocal institutions between the USA and Asia. The chapter concludes that Europe's ‘balancing by convergence’ strategy has advantages over the USA's ‘balancing by divergence’ strategy.

REGIONAL SECURITY COMPLEX IN ASEAN: Neutrality and Centrality at Brink in the South China Sea Issue

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Arfin Sudirman
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
East Asia ◽  
South China ◽  
International System ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
East Asia Region

The South China Sea conflict has been a highly sensitive issue for the last 5 years in ASEAN. China and the US have been using the South China Sea as the New Cold War Arena of power and military hegemonic competition in the South East Asia region. This has been a major challenge for ASEAN as the only regional organization in the South East Asia region that has direct in the area must take major role in managing and resolving the dispute peacefully even though ASEAN has no defense pact like NATO. This paper argues that ASEAN, at this moment, must maintain its role as a mediator and independent-negotiator in the region but at the same time apply its principle of gradually adapting with the new international system. This article also suggests that in the future, ASEAN can take a major role in the governance of the South China Sea and the South East Asia region.

Trump-Kim summit would boost Singapore’s reputation

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
Content Type ◽  
East Asia Summit ◽  
High Level ◽  
The City

Significance Singapore was chosen to host the meeting because it has ties to both countries, which view it as neutral turf, while the event resonates with the city-state’s foreign policy interests. Impacts ASEAN would view the summit as underscoring its centrality in the regional security architecture. If the summit takes place and is successful, the leaders of Japan and Russia will seek their own high-level meetings with Kim. Trump may be reluctant to travel to Singapore again in November to attend the East Asia Summit.

South-east Asia-US ties will be unchanged, for now

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Enterprise Reform ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Labour Rights ◽  
State Owned Enterprise ◽  
East Asian Economies

Significance With Trump within striking distance of catching Clinton in popular polls, though not yet the Electoral College, South-east Asian leaders and diplomats have privately expressed concern about the next US administration and the outlook for South-east Asia-US relations. Impacts A Trump presidency could destabilise South-east Asian economies and regional security. Maritime frictions could soon flare if China 'tests' the incoming US president. If the TPP is delayed or fails, Vietnamese labour rights and state-owned enterprise reform will likely founder.

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