Black Skin, White Skulls: The Nineteenth Century Debate over the Racial Identity of the Ancient Egyptians

Parallax ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Bernasconi
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
Black Skin

RACE, EMPIRE, AND THE LIMITS OF NINETEENTH-CENTURY SCOTTISH NATIONHOOD

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 873-892 ◽  
Author(s):  
COLIN KIDD
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The People ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Scotland's Unionist culture has already become a world we have lost, investigation of which is hampered by the misleading notion of a ‘Celtic fringe’. Nineteenth-century Lowland Scots were not classified as Celts; indeed they vociferously projected a Teutonic racial identity. Several Scots went so far as to claim not only that the Saxon Scots of the Lowlands were superior to the Celts of the Highlands, but that the people of the Lowlands came from a more purely Anglian stock than the population of southern England. For some Scots the glory of Scottish identity resided in the boast that Lowlanders were more authentically ‘English’ than the English themselves. Moreover, Scottish historians reinterpreted the nation's medieval War of Independence – otherwise a cynosure of patriotism – as an unfortunate civil war within the Saxon race. Curiously, racialism – which was far from monolithic – worked at times both to support and to subvert Scottish involvement in empire. The late nineteenth century also saw the formulation of Scottish proposals for an Anglo-Saxon racial empire including the United States; while Teutonic racialism inflected the nascent Scottish home rule movement as well as the Udal League in Orkney and Shetland.

“THE INEFFACEABLE CURSE OF CAIN”: RACE, MISCEGENATION, AND THE VICTORIAN STAGING OF IRISHNESS

2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 383-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Boltwood
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
Racial Difference ◽  
Scientific Discourse ◽  
Scientific Communities ◽  
Irish Identity

THROUGHOUT THE NINETEENTH CENTURY both the English popular and scientific communities increasingly argued for a distinct racial difference between the Irish Celt and the English Saxon, which conceptually undermined the Victorian attempt to form a single kingdom from the two peoples. The ethnological discourse concerning Irish identity was dominated by English theorists who reflect their empire’s ideological necessity; thus, the Celt and Saxon were often described as racial siblings early in the nineteenth century when union seemed possible, while later descriptions of the Irish as members of a distant or degenerate race reflect the erosion of public sympathy caused by the era of violence following the failed revolt of 1848. Amid this deluge of scientific discourse, the Irish were treated as mute objects of analysis, lacking any opportunity for formal rejoinder; nonetheless, these essentially English discussions of racial identity and Irishness also entered into the Irish popular culture.

The Anti-Yugoslavist Narrative on Croatian Ethnolinguistic and Racial Identity, 1900-1941

2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 331-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nevenko Bartulin
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Anthropological Theory

This article examines the work of leading anti-Yugoslavist Croat intellectuals in the first half of the twentieth century in relation to the question of race. These scholars used the discipline of racial anthropology in order to attempt to disprove the tenets of the racial supranational ideology of Yugoslavism by highlighting the ethnolinguistic-racial differences between Croats and Serbs. According to these intellectuals, the Croats were, racially speaking, purer Indo-Europeans and Slavs than the Serbs, who were in turn defined as possessing a strong Balkan Vlach racial component. Interestingly, these anti-Yugoslavist thinkers adopted the anthropological theory of Aryan-Slavic origins, as previously espoused by pan-Slavist Croat ideologists in the nineteenth century, in order to debunk the very idea of South Slav ‘national unity’ between Croats and Serbs.

scholarly journals O corpo negro, as marcas e o trauma

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Sheila Cabo Geraldo
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Frantz Fanon ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
Black Skin ◽  
Scientific Discourses ◽  
Postcolonial Discourse

ResumoO discurso pós-colonial, de acordo com as teorias desenvolvidas a partir dos anos 1970, está nas marcas deixadas nas sociedades colonizadas, as quais construíram seus processos de independência e modernidade por cima dessas marcas, na forma da violência. A modernidade é como uma máscara branca sobre a pele negra (Frantz Fanon), que só em casos de embate deixa aflorar, como imagens dialéticas, a permanência das relações escravistas recalcadas. São máscaras, impostas ou autoimpostas, que forçaram o apagamento da memória racial, muitas vezes associada ao gênero. O texto aqui apresentado procura, assim, ativar criticamente algumas imagens produzidas pela artista Rosana Paulino, sobretudo as que desenvolveu para a instalação Assentamento, cujas imagens dos corpos masculinos e femininos escravizados, enquanto imagens de discursos científicos positivistas dos novecentos, são ressignificadas pela artista como imagens-denúncia.AbstractThe postcolonial discourse, according to the theories developed since the 1970s, is on the marks left in the colonized societies, which built their processes of independence and modernity over these marks, in the form of violence. Modernity is like a white mask on the black skin (Frantz Fanon), which only in cases of clash brings out, as dialectical images, the permanence of repressed slave relations. They are masks, imposed or self-imposed, which forced the erasure of racial memory, often associated with gender. The text presented here seeks to critically activate some images produced by the artist Rosana Paulino, especially those developed for the Settlement installation, whose images of male and female enslaved bodies, as images of positivist scientific discourses of the nineteenth century, are restated by the artist as images-complaint.

The Dustbin of History

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mitch Kachun
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
African American ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
American Revolution ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
Rightful Place ◽  
The Revolution ◽  
Boston Massacre

Between 1771 and 1850 the Boston Massacre itself remained a part of the nation’s collective memory of the American Revolution. Some characterized it as a key event in forging colonial unity while others preferred to distance the Revolution from what they considered a disorderly riot. In either case, Attucks’s role and racial identity remained largely ignored, even among African Americans. A few scattered references to Attucks appeared during the first half of the nineteenth century, but he did not become a focal point for African American arguments for citizenship, inclusion, and equality until the 1850s, when African American activists recognized the central role Attucks might play in establishing blacks’ rightful place in the nation.

“Until This Curse of Polygamy Is Wiped Out”: Black Methodists, White Mormons, and Constructions of Racial Identity in the Late Nineteenth Century

2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
James B. Bennett
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Racial Identity ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Racial Ideology ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Church Members ◽  
Methodist Episcopal ◽  
Racially Mixed ◽  
American Nation

AbstractDuring the final quarter of the nineteenth century, black members of the Methodist Episcopal (ME) Church published a steady stream of anti-Mormonism in their weekly newspaper, the widely read and distributedSouthwestern Christian Advocate. This anti-Mormonism functioned as way for black ME Church members to articulate their denomination's distinctive racial ideology. Black ME Church members believed that their racially mixed denomination, imperfect though it was, offered the best model for advancing black citizens toward equality in both the Christian church and the American nation. Mormons, as a religious group who separated themselves in both identity and practice and as a community experiencing persecution, were a useful negative example of the dangers of abandoning the ME quest for inclusion. Black ME Church members emphasized their Christian faithfulness and American patriotism, in contrast to Mormon religious heterodoxy and political insubordination, as arguments for acceptance as equals in both religious and political institutions. At the same time, anti-Mormon rhetoric also proved a useful tool for reflecting on the challenges of African American life, regardless of denominational affiliation. For example, anti-polygamy opened space to comment on the precarious position of black women and families in the post-bellum South. In addition, cataloguing Mormon intellectual, moral, and social deficiencies became a form of instruction in the larger project of black uplift, by which African Americans sought to enter the ranks and privileges of the American middle class. In the end, however, black ME Church members found themselves increasingly segregated within their denomination and in society at large, even as Mormons, once considered both racially and religiously inferior, were welcomed into the nation as citizens and equals.

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