‘Animals first!’ The rise of animal advocacy parties in the EU: a new party family

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Morini
Keyword(s):  
Animal Advocacy ◽  
Party Family ◽  
The Eu

‘SYRIZA and Podemos, we shall overcome’? Left transnational cooperation in times of crisis

2021 ◽  
pp. 030981682110615
Author(s):  
Vladimir Bortun
Keyword(s):  
Current Literature ◽  
Eurozone Crisis ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Transnational Cooperation ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
Elite Interviews ◽  
Party Family ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Radical Left

The Eurozone crisis and its austerity-centred management opened up a fertile ground for the so-called ‘radical left parties’ (RLPs) and their anti-austerity agenda. Moreover, it provided a unique opportunity for this party family to enhance its rather underdeveloped transnational cooperation. Sharing several objective and subjective features, SYRIZA (Greece) and Podemos (Spain) – arguably the two most prominent European RLPs today – seemed particularly well-placed to develop a strong transnational cooperation. However, the current literature has hardly addressed whether such expectations have been borne out. Indeed, despite a recently increased interest in the radical left, there are still very few studies focusing on the transnational cooperation among RLPs. Building on documentary research and qualitative elite interviews covering the 2014–2017 period, the article has two main objectives: first, to map the cooperation between SYRIZA and Podemos by identifying the key channels and actors of this process; second, to assess their cooperation over said period, with a focus on the factors fuelling and obstructing it. The article argues that the relationship between the two parties reached its peak around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015 but declined following its deal with the ‘Troika’ 6 months later, which blatantly contradicted SYRIZA’s anti-austerity programme. It is shown that while the main incentives behind their cooperation have been their shared opposition to neoliberalism, the European Union’s (EU) reaction to the crisis, and the similarities in their countries’ economic situations, the main obstacles hindering that cooperation have been the primacy of national politics and the diverging views on the EU. The findings arguably provide useful insights for the wider left transnational cooperation today, in a time of renewed global capitalist crisis, when such cooperation is perhaps more relevant than ever.

Is Constitutional Politics Like Politics ‘at Home’? The Case of the EU Constitution

2008 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 789-806
Author(s):  
Paul Pennings ◽  
Christine Arnold
Keyword(s):  
European Convention ◽  
Coalition Building ◽  
Equal Weight ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Constitutional Politics ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Right ◽  
Party Family ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Draft Constitution

A large number of delegates from different institutional levels within the EU have achieved a remarkable consensus on a draft constitution. Has this consensus been made possible because the nationally predominant left–right divide was only weakly present during the deliberations of the delegates? Left–right differences have been analysed by means of a content analysis on submitted documents during the European Convention. The data analysis confirms our assumption that the left–right distinction was relevant, although not very dominant. The draft constitution did not take a mean position on left and right issues, but in fact puts more emphasis on substantial goals related to both left and right, giving an equal weight to both anti-poles. However, if we exclude the Charter of Human Rights, the draft constitution appears to be strongly tilted to the right. The analysis also shows that party family differences did affect the process of coalition building during the Convention, since more than half of all documents have been submitted together with at least one member of the same party family and/or with one family member close by. Our analysis also indicates that the process of consensus building was enhanced by the absence of many extremist and new parties during the Convention. This may have enhanced agreement on the Constitution, but later it became problematic for the domestic democratic process and for the acceptance of the Constitution in some countries, such as France and the Netherlands, especially since some of the excluded parties have actively and successfully mobilised voters to vote against the Constitution.

scholarly journals Ethnoregionalist Parties in the EU: The European Free Alliance Phenomenon

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-150
Author(s):  
Petr Oskolkov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Network Analysis ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Symbolic Meaning ◽  
European Level ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Party Family ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
The Eu

The article is focused on the structure and ideology of the European Free Alliance. The research aims at identifying resources and possibilities of the institutionalized transregional and supraregional cooperation of ethnoregionalist parties at the European level. The research was conducted predominantly in the paradigm of structural functionalism, while employing the methods of institutional analysis, QDA (exemplified by program documents and key actors’ rhetoric), network analysis (based on the data of the EU databases). The research resulted in the following conclusions. The EFA has not succeeded in becoming an entirely representative europarty for the respective party family, due to deep discrepancies between ethnoregionalist parties in the domain of ideology, goals, attitude towards European integration, and domestic political opportunities. The attempts to create an integrative ideological platform based on “creative eurofederalism” and “progressive nationalism” may hardly be called successful. Besides, big ethnoregionalist parties prefer to cooperate with bigger and more influential europarties and political groups of the European Parliament. However, in the EP-2019, “Greens-EFA” political group improved its position, even in spite of Brexit. This happened not because of the EFA achievements, but because of the growth in representation of the European Green Party. Though influence and capacities of the European Free Alliance are lower than those of other europarties, it has a significant symbolic meaning as a structure unifying different ethnoregionalist actors.

The Art of Lobbying the EU

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rinus van Schendelen
Keyword(s):  
The Eu

Projecting a European Diploma in Psychology

2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernhard Wilpert
Keyword(s):  
Research Process ◽  
Project Team ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Research Results ◽  
External Constraints ◽  
Internal Procedures ◽  
The Eu

The paper presents an inside evaluation of the EuroPsyT project, funded by the EU Leonardo Program in 1999-2001. While standard research usually neglects to reflect on the internal and external constraints and opportunities under which research results are achieved, the paper stresses exactly those aspects: starting from a brief description of the overall objectives of the 11 countries project, the paper proceeds to describe the macro-context and the internal strengths and weaknesses of the project team, the internal procedures of cooperation,. and obstacles encountered during the research process. It winds up in noting some of the project's achievements and with a look towards future research.

Attitudes Toward Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in the European Union: A Systematic Review

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrique Gracia ◽  
Marisol Lila ◽  
Faraj A. Santirso
Keyword(s):  
Systematic Review ◽  
Intimate Partner Violence ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Partner Violence ◽  
Public Health Problem ◽  
Intimate Partner ◽  
Cochrane Library ◽  
Effective Prevention ◽  
Partner Violence Against Women ◽  
The Eu

Abstract. Attitudes toward intimate partner violence against women (IPVAW) are increasingly recognized as central to understanding of this major social and public health problem, and guide the development of more effective prevention efforts. However, to date this area of research is underdeveloped in western societies, and in particular in the EU. The present study aims to provide a systematic review of quantitative studies addressing attitudes toward IPVAW conducted in the EU. The review was conducted through Web of Science, PsychINFO, Medline, EMBASE, PUBMED, and the Cochrane Library, in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-analyses (PRISMA) recommendations. This review aimed to identify empirical studies conducted in the EU, published in English in peer-reviewed journals from 2000 to 2018, and analyzing attitudes toward IPVAW. A total of 62 of 176 eligible articles were selected according to inclusion criteria. Four sets of attitudes toward IPVAW were identified as the main focus of the studies: legitimation, acceptability, attitudes toward intervention, and perceived severity. Four main research themes regarding attitudes toward IPVAW emerged: correlates of attitudes, attitudes as predictors, validation of scales, and attitude change interventions. Although interest in this research area has been growing in recent years, the systematic review revealed important gaps in current knowledge on attitudes toward IPVAW in the EU that limits its potential to inform public policy. The review outlines directions for future study and suggests that to better inform policy making, these future research efforts would benefit from an EU-level perspective.

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