Information control and competence: participant experience of public participation in EIA for proposed mining projects in Queensland

Author(s):  
Katie Meissner ◽  
J.A. Everingham
Author(s):  
Judith Preston

Mining of natural resources has surpassed agriculture as the basis for Australia’s economy; but at what cost? It is essential to Australia’s economic health to have access to a continuing income stream from a number of sources including minerals. However, there is a presumption – in both the political and resources sectors – that mining interests should trump all other interests, including social and environmental ones. A number of recent conflicts involving major mining projects in Australia and overseas have highlighted the fallacy of the claimed economic and social benefits, as well as the dangers to the community, the legal profession and the judiciary of suppressing public participation in the environmental impact assessment (EIA) process.Any actions by the executive to exclude public participation in reviewing documentation related to resource management and extractive developments by legislative or policy changes such as the proposed new planning legislation in NSW and the new mining State Environmental Planning Policy (Mining Petroleum, Production and Extractive Industries) Amendment (Resource Significance) 2013 (Amended Mining SEPP), are retrogressive steps. The argument in this paper is that, due to the often negative and large-scale impacts that mineral extraction developments may have on the community and the environment, mineral extraction developments should be subject to a rigorous EIA processes which incorporate effective and inclusive rights of public participation, especially in relation to major projects. Such rights should be enshrined in environmental legislation in the objects clause, standing for merit and judicial review provisions, and there should be a duty for the decision-makers to properly consider public submissions. Such provisions may lead to revision of the development or its outright rejection. Furthermore, innovative policies, programmes and legislative reform should be drafted to protect public participation and the right to oppose inappropriate developments.


Author(s):  
Lindsey Fransen ◽  
Antonio La Vina ◽  
Fabian Dayrit ◽  
Loraine Gatlabayan ◽  
Dwi Andreas Santosa ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Jodie Gil ◽  
Jonathan L Wharton

This qualitative analysis of public participation in Connecticut open meetings highlights how Connecticut communities adjusted when the state’s open meeting law was temporarily revised under emergency order during COVID-19. A survey of officials in 95 municipalities found a majority had the same or more participation in budget deliberations during that time. Only about a quarter saw decreased public participation. A closer look at four communities highlights specific challenges and successes during the sudden shift in public meetings. Connecticut’s varied forms of government give multiple perspectives, which can provide insight for other communities looking to expand virtual access to open meetings.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Andrew Jackson

One scenario put forward by researchers, political commentators and journalists for the collapse of North Korea has been a People’s Power (or popular) rebellion. This paper analyses why no popular rebellion has occurred in the DPRK under Kim Jong Un. It challenges the assumption that popular rebellion would happen because of widespread anger caused by a greater awareness of superior economic conditions outside the DPRK. Using Jack Goldstone’s theoretical expla-nations for the outbreak of popular rebellion, and comparisons with the 1989 Romanian and 2010–11 Tunisian transitions, this paper argues that marketi-zation has led to a loosening of state ideological control and to an influx of infor-mation about conditions in the outside world. However, unlike the Tunisian transitions—in which a new information context shaped by social media, the Al-Jazeera network and an experience of protest helped create a sense of pan-Arab solidarity amongst Tunisians resisting their government—there has been no similar ideology unifying North Koreans against their regime. There is evidence of discontent in market unrest in the DPRK, although protests between 2011 and the present have mostly been in defense of the right of people to support themselves through private trade. North Koreans believe this right has been guaranteed, or at least tacitly condoned, by the Kim Jong Un government. There has not been any large-scale explosion of popular anger because the state has not attempted to crush market activities outright under Kim Jong Un. There are other reasons why no popular rebellion has occurred in the North. Unlike Tunisia, the DPRK lacks a dissident political elite capable of leading an opposition movement, and unlike Romania, the DPRK authorities have shown some flexibility in their anti-dissent strategies, taking a more tolerant approach to protests against economic issues. Reduced levels of violence during periods of unrest and an effective system of information control may have helped restrict the expansion of unrest beyond rural areas.


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