Why Has There Been No People’s Power Rebellion in North Korea?

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Andrew Jackson
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Information Control ◽  
Al Jazeera ◽  
The North ◽  
New Information ◽  
Effective System ◽  
The Right

One scenario put forward by researchers, political commentators and journalists for the collapse of North Korea has been a People’s Power (or popular) rebellion. This paper analyses why no popular rebellion has occurred in the DPRK under Kim Jong Un. It challenges the assumption that popular rebellion would happen because of widespread anger caused by a greater awareness of superior economic conditions outside the DPRK. Using Jack Goldstone’s theoretical expla-nations for the outbreak of popular rebellion, and comparisons with the 1989 Romanian and 2010–11 Tunisian transitions, this paper argues that marketi-zation has led to a loosening of state ideological control and to an influx of infor-mation about conditions in the outside world. However, unlike the Tunisian transitions—in which a new information context shaped by social media, the Al-Jazeera network and an experience of protest helped create a sense of pan-Arab solidarity amongst Tunisians resisting their government—there has been no similar ideology unifying North Koreans against their regime. There is evidence of discontent in market unrest in the DPRK, although protests between 2011 and the present have mostly been in defense of the right of people to support themselves through private trade. North Koreans believe this right has been guaranteed, or at least tacitly condoned, by the Kim Jong Un government. There has not been any large-scale explosion of popular anger because the state has not attempted to crush market activities outright under Kim Jong Un. There are other reasons why no popular rebellion has occurred in the North. Unlike Tunisia, the DPRK lacks a dissident political elite capable of leading an opposition movement, and unlike Romania, the DPRK authorities have shown some flexibility in their anti-dissent strategies, taking a more tolerant approach to protests against economic issues. Reduced levels of violence during periods of unrest and an effective system of information control may have helped restrict the expansion of unrest beyond rural areas.

Traditionalism and politics: A case study of Northern Nigeria

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
High Time ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
The North ◽  
The Right

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.

3. The Madero revolt and regime (1910–1913)

2016 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Alan Knight
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Social Reform ◽  
Ciudad Juarez ◽  
The North ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic Tradition ◽  
The Right

Francisco Madero, scion of one of northern Mexico’s richest families, had led the unsuccessful opposition of early 1910 in the liberal-democratic tradition. ‘The Madero revolt and regime’ explains how the Díaz victory in the 1910 election provided the impetus for armed revolt in rural areas. The Treaty of Ciudad Juárez in early 1911 ended the Maderista revolution as well as the Porfirian regime, but the deal was not well received by rebel leaders: Orozco in the north and Zapata in the centre. Madero’s presidency saw opposition both from the Right and Left, but it was the rebellious insurgency of Zapatismo and Orozquismo looking for social reform that led to Madero’s downfall.

Alcohol and Politics in France

1957 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 976-994 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard E. Brown
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Domestic Market ◽  
The State ◽  
State Agency ◽  
The North ◽  
State Monopoly ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

“On jongle trop avec la structure d'un Pays qui a été, dans le monde, le défenseur de l'individu, de la liberté, du sens de la mesure. Un petit paysan sur sa terre, n'est-il pas humainement autre chose que le chômeur de demain ou l'ouvrier qui sera condamné à fabriquer toute sa vie des boulons?”Le Betteravier Français, September 1956, page 1.Large-scale state intervention in the alcohol market in France dates from World War I, when the government committed itself to encourage the production of alcohol. Two chief reasons then lay back of this decision: a huge supply of alcohol was needed for the manufacture of gunpowder, and the devastation of the beet-growing regions of the north had severely limited production of beet alcohol, thereby throwing the domestic market out of balance. A law of 30 June 1916, adopted under emergency procedure, established a state agency empowered to purchase alcohol. At the end of the war, a decree of 1919 accorded the government the right “provisionally” to maintain the state monopoly. In 1922 the beetgrowers and winegrowers gave their support to the principle of a state monopoly which, in effect, reserved the industrial market for beet alcohol and the domestic market for viticulture. In 1931 the state was authorized to purchase alcohol distilled from surplus wine.

Excavations at Carthage 1976: Third Interim Report

1977 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Hurst
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Field Work ◽  
Eighth Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
City Wall ◽  
The North ◽  
New Information ◽  
Defensive Activity

SummaryAt the end of the third season of work by the British team participating in the UNESCO Save Carthage project, a summary is given of present knowledge of the occupation sequence on the Ilôt de l'Amirauté from c. 400 B.C. to A.D. 700. New information or reinterpretation since 1975 covers the relationship between the Punic and Roman planning of the island and the nature of its possible Augustan, Severan, and Justinianic rebuildings. The structures which have been excavated since 1974 between two Roman streets on the north side of the circular harbour are interpreted as a series of shops or small commercial premises of Roman and Byzantine date. Here, as on the island, a large-scale redevelopment of early Byzantine date is indicated. On the Avenue Habib Bourguiba the city wall now has archaeological dating consistent with the historical evidence that it was constructed c.A.D. 425 and it appears to be associated with a major defensive ditch. Burials were made between the wall and possible ditch shortly after, and perhaps during, the wall's construction. There is also archaeological confirmation of the historical evidence for the neglect of the defences under the Vandal occupation and for their repair following Belisarius' capture of Carthage in 533. By the end of the sixth century the defences were again being neglected and in the early seventh century there was a building on the site of the presumed Belisarian ditch. There is a suggestion of further defensive activity at the time of the Arab invasion. Within the wall, the sequence has been taken back to the destruction of a Roman building in the fifth century and a summary is made of the sequence for the whole site from the early fifth to the late seventh or early eighth century A.D. Field-work has now finished on this site while a further two seasons are anticipated on the two harbour sites.

See No Evil, Hear No Evil: The First Thatcher Government and the Problem of North Korea, 1979–1983

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-255
Author(s):  
Tae Joon Won
Keyword(s):  
North Korea ◽  
Vienna Convention ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Margaret Thatcher ◽  
The North ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
Important Means ◽  
British Foreign Office ◽  
The Right

This article explores the diplomatic challenges which confronted the first Margaret Thatcher administration in regard to Britain's Cold War policy of non-recognition of North Korea. The request of St. Vincent and the Grenadines to simultaneously appoint its resident High Commissioner to London as its non-resident Ambassador to Pyongyang had to be opposed by the British Foreign Office despite the fact that St. Vincent was not a party to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, while London had to consider breaking the provisions of the 1883 Paris Convention in order not to recognize the ‘right of priority’ of patents which had been approved in Pyongyang as was required. Also, North Korea's stated intention to join the Inter-Governmental Maritime Consultative Organization and therefore establish its permanent mission in London forced the Foreign Office to attempt to block North Korea's admittance to the IMCO despite the principle of universality of international organizations, while Britain's inability to talk directly to the North Koreans deprived London of an important means with which to stop North Korean military aid from arriving in Zimbabwe.

“The Public Has The Right to be Protected From A Deadly Scourge”: Debating Quarantine, Migration and Liberal Governance during the 1847 Typhus Outbreak in Montreal1

2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Horner
Keyword(s):  
Municipal Government ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Reasonable Doubt ◽  
The North ◽  
And Migration ◽  
The Right ◽  
Social Upheaval ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

During the summer of 1847 the impact of famine, disease, and social upheaval in Ireland was felt in port cities across the North Atlantic World. As an important hub of commerce and migration, Montreal was deeply affected by these events. The arrival of thousands of Irish migrants, many of whom had contracted typhus during their journey, touched off a contentious debate in the city. An engaged and alarmed public threw their support behind a proposal put forward by representatives of the municipal government that called for the construction of an elaborate quarantine facility just down the St. Lawrence River from the city. This facility, which migrants would be confined at until their healthy status was confirmed beyond reasonable doubt, promised to return order not only to Montreal, but to the entire migration process. The body appointed by the colonial administration, however, rejected the proposal, and tabled a far more modest plan that would continue to house migrants in sheds located just a stone’s throw away from the city’s western suburbs. The highly charged debate that ensued furnishes us with an opportunity to examine how the city’s political elite and the broader public were thinking through questions about migration, public health, and the contours of liberal governance. The objective of this article is to consider the role that moments of crisis such as this played in shaping the city’s political culture, and to place the events of 1847 in the context of the larger struggle between local and metropolitan authority occurring during this period.

Land Reform, Collectivisation and the Peasants in North Korea

1963 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 65-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chong-Sik Lee
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The North ◽  
North Korean Regime

In a speech delivered at the rally commemorating the fifteenth anniversary of the liberation of Korea, the North Korean Premier announced that the peasants in North Korea were now the owners of large-scale collectivised farms and that they had the firm technical foundation for bumper crops every year without strenuous efforts. He declared: “This is the beginning of a world for our farm villages.” Another spokesman of the North Korean regime has stated: “It is easy (or good) to work and enjoyable to live in the co-operativised North Korean farms. There is a bumper crop every year in the constantly changing collectivised fields and the peasants' work and living are literally song and dances.”

scholarly journals Impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on rural America

2020 ◽  
Vol 118 (1) ◽  
pp. 2019378118
Author(s):  
J. Tom Mueller ◽  
Kathryn McConnell ◽  
Paul Berne Burow ◽  
Katie Pofahl ◽  
Alexis A. Merdjanoff ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Research Effort ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United States ◽  
Rural Populations ◽  
Exogenous Shock ◽  
The North ◽  
Scientific Attention

Despite considerable social scientific attention to the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on urbanized areas, very little research has examined its impact on rural populations. Yet rural communities—which make up tens of millions of people from diverse backgrounds in the United States—are among the nation’s most vulnerable populations and may be less resilient to the effects of such a large-scale exogenous shock. We address this critical knowledge gap with data from a new survey designed to assess the impacts of the pandemic on health-related and economic dimensions of rural well-being in the North American West. Notably, we find that the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on rural populations have been severe, with significant negative impacts on unemployment, overall life satisfaction, mental health, and economic outlook. Further, we find that these impacts have been generally consistent across age, ethnicity, education, and sex. We discuss how these findings constitute the beginning of a much larger interdisciplinary COVID-19 research effort that integrates rural areas and pushes beyond the predominant focus on cities and nation-states.

scholarly journals Epidemic of echovirus 19 in the north-east of England

1976 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. A. Codd ◽  
J. H. Hale ◽  
T. M. Bell ◽  
D. G. Sims ◽  
C. J. Bacon ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Respiratory Infections ◽  
Uneventful Recovery ◽  
Older Children ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Culture Cells ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Severity Of The Disease

We report the first large-scale outbreak of echovirus 19 infection. It occurred in the north-east of England during the summer and autumn of 1974. The virus was isolated from 268 patients in the region. The infection spread from the urban to more rural areas, reaching a peak in mid-August. Males were affected more often than females in the ratio 1·6:1. Half of the patients were under eight years of age, relatively few were over 35 years. Aseptic meningitis and upper respiratory infections were the commonest presentations, though a wide range of other diseases occurred including gastroenteritis, myalgia, pericarditis, undifferentiated pyrexia, rashes and a syndrome analagous to bacteraemic shock. There was no evidence that the pattern or severity of the disease changed during the outbreak. Infants under the age of six months were more seriously affected than older children and adults. All patients except one made an uneventful recovery. Of the routine tissue culture cells HEp2 and HeLa were by far the most satisfactory for virus isolation.

Agrarian Society and the Pax Britannica in Northern India in the Early Nineteenth Century

1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-528 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Stokes
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Sun ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Agrarian Society ◽  
Northern India ◽  
The North ◽  
British Rule ◽  
Rapid Adjustment

It has been customary to view the effects of the British annexation of the Ceded and Conquered Provinces (1801–3) in terms of an abrupt caesura. Upon the whirling anarchy of the North Indian scene there suddenly fell the Pax Britannica. A political revolution was worked almost overnight. The tide of Sikh expansion was checked and turned back, Jat power penned in Bharatpur, Sindhia driven across the Chambal to his matchless rock citadel at Gwalior, and the Oudh nawabi stripped of its Doab, Rohilkhand and eastern districts. The second line of the political elite could not long survive this dismantling of the superior political structure. Although, at first, expediency impelled the use of large-scale intermediaries, the assertiveness of British rule and its hunger for revenue could tolerate no more than could the Mughals the existence of tall poppies along the principal strategic highway of its power between Benares and Delhi; and on their part the number of magnates capable of keeping their footing and making the rapid adjustment from warlordism to estate management were few indeed. Within two decades of 1801 a large proportion of the established magnates had been swept from the scene, and the remainder were finding that the sun of official favour had gone down while it was yet day.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document