Reading for Meaning: The Effects of Concurrent Articulation

1981 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Besner ◽  
Julia Davies ◽  
Shona Daniels

Six experiments are reported which examine the assertion that phonological recoding for the purpose of lexical access in visual word recognition is prevented or impaired by concurrent articulation (“articulatory suppression”). The first section of this paper selectively reviews the literature, and reports two experiments which fail to replicate previous work. The third experiment contrasts performance with visually presented words and with non-words. Latency measures show an effect of suppression that is specific to words, whilst error rates show an effect common to both words and non-words. The fourth experiment shows that if the task is changed from a judgement of rhyme (BLAME-FLAME) to one of homophony (AIL-ALE), the suppression effect seen in the latency data is eliminated, whilst error effects remain. It is suggested that, in addition to producing error effects that are not easily interpretable, suppression prevents or impairs a phonological segmentation process operating subsequent to the retrieval of whole word phonology (a process that is needed for rhyme judgement but not for one of homophony). Experiment V shows that while suppression has no effect on the time taken to decide if printed non-words sound like real words (e.g. PALLIS), error rates increase. Experiment VI shows that suppression has no effect on either RT or errors in the same task if subjects suppress at a slower rate than in Experiment V. It is suggested that there are at least two different phonological codes. Buffer storage and/or maintenance of phonologically coded information derived from print is affected by suppression; phonological recoding from print for the purpose of lexical access can be carried out without any interference from suppression.

Author(s):  
Manuel Perea ◽  
Victoria Panadero

The vast majority of neural and computational models of visual-word recognition assume that lexical access is achieved via the activation of abstract letter identities. Thus, a word’s overall shape should play no role in this process. In the present lexical decision experiment, we compared word-like pseudowords like viotín (same shape as its base word: violín) vs. viocín (different shape) in mature (college-aged skilled readers), immature (normally reading children), and immature/impaired (young readers with developmental dyslexia) word-recognition systems. Results revealed similar response times (and error rates) to consistent-shape and inconsistent-shape pseudowords for both adult skilled readers and normally reading children – this is consistent with current models of visual-word recognition. In contrast, young readers with developmental dyslexia made significantly more errors to viotín-like pseudowords than to viocín-like pseudowords. Thus, unlike normally reading children, young readers with developmental dyslexia are sensitive to a word’s visual cues, presumably because of poor letter representations.


2009 ◽  
Vol 217 (3) ◽  
pp. 159-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Maris ◽  
Rinske de Graaff Stoffers

There has been a lot of attention for the idea that the reading of a single word (visual word recognition) involves a single mechanism only. This mechanism first maps the orthographic input onto a sublexical phonological code via which, in a second step, the lexicon is accessed. This mechanism is called a single route phonological model, and it should be contrasted with a dual route model, which also assumes an orthographic route. This orthographic route maps the orthographic input onto a lexical orthographic code without phonological recoding. In this paper, both the single route phonological and the dual route models were formulated as multinomial processing tree (MPT) models. These two MPT models were applied to the data of two experiments in which the participants (children in Grades 1 and 2) had to give a combined naming and lexical decision response to four types of stimuli (words and three types of nonwords). The dual route model gave a much better explanation of these data than the single route phonological model.


2014 ◽  
Vol 67 (10) ◽  
pp. 1925-1943 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. H. T. Zeguers ◽  
P. Snellings ◽  
H. M. Huizenga ◽  
M. W. van der Molen

In opaque orthographies, the activation of orthographic and phonological codes follows distinct time courses during visual word recognition. However, it is unclear how orthography and phonology are accessed in more transparent orthographies. Therefore, we conducted time course analyses of masked priming effects in the transparent Dutch orthography. The first study used targets with small phonological differences between phonological and orthographic primes, which are typical in transparent orthographies. Results showed consistent orthographic priming effects, yet phonological priming effects were absent. The second study explicitly manipulated the strength of the phonological difference and revealed that both orthographic and phonological priming effects became identifiable when phonological differences were strong enough. This suggests that, similar to opaque orthographies, strong phonological differences are a prerequisite to separate orthographic and phonological priming effects in transparent orthographies. Orthographic and phonological priming appeared to follow distinct time courses, with orthographic codes being quickly translated into phonological codes and phonology dominating the remainder of the lexical access phase.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Gustavo Lopez Estivalet ◽  
Fanny Elise Meunier

<p>O presente trabalho realizou uma investigação psicolinguística da decomposição morfológica verbal no acesso lexical em francês. Aplicou-se um experimento de decisão lexical visual com diferentes tipos de estruturas verbais como estímulos, a fim de identificar os processos de decomposição lexical, a estrutura hierárquica do verbo francês e o processamento dos diferentes morfemas para o acesso lexical no reconhecimento visual de verbos. Testaram-se diferentes tipos de verbos e pseudoverbos com as seguintes estruturas: a. morfologicamente ilegais (*<em>abrou</em>), b. contendo somente base existente (*<em>[aim]ou</em>), c. contendo somente sufixo flexional existente (*<em>abr[ons]</em>), d. inexistentes mas morfologicamente legais (*<em>[aim][ir]</em>) e e. existentes e morfologicamente legais (<em>[[aim][ons]]</em>). Ainda, testaram-se verbos com: a. um (<em>aim[ons]</em>) ou b. dois (<em>aim[i][ons]</em>) sufixos flexionais, e a mesma testagem foi feita com pseudoverbos (*<em>abr[ons]</em>, *<em>abr[i][ons]</em>), para identificar diferenças no processamento morfossintático. As análises estatísticas apresentaram diferenças significativas entre pseudoverbos contendo apenas base existente e verbos existentes, e entre pseudoverbos contendo apenas sufixo flexional existente e verbos inexistentes mas morfologicamente legais. Houve diferenças significativas em relação ao número de sufixos flexionais nos pseudoverbos contendo somente sufixo flexional existente, assim como nos verbos existentes e morfologicamente legais. Assim, esse estudo estabeleceu a hierarquia do processamento dos diferentes morfemas que constituem o verbo francês. Os resultados mostram que todos os verbos do francês são passíveis de decomposição, sendo primeiramente decompostos em base e sufixos flexionais e posteriormente possuem seu morfema lexical da base ativado para o acesso semântico. A presente investigação sugere um modelo de decomposição morfológica completa em unidades mínimas para o acesso lexical e reconhecimento visual do verbo francês.</p><p>This study conducted a psycholinguistic investigation of the verbal morphological decomposition in French lexical access. It was applied a visual lexical decision task experiment with different types of verbal structures as stimuli to identify the word decompositional processes, the hierarchical structure of the French verb, and the processing of the different morphemes for lexical access in visual word recognition. The different structures of verbs and pseudoverbs tested were: a. morphologically illegal (*<em>abrou</em>), b. only existent base (*<em>[aim] ou</em>), c. only existent inflectional suffix (*<em>abr[ons]</em>), d. inexistent but morphologically legal (*<em>[aim][ir]</em>), and e. existent and morphologically legal (<em>[[aim][ons]]</em>). It was also tested verbs with: a. one (<em>aim[ons]</em>) or b. two (<em>aim[i][ons]</em>) inflectional suffixes, and the same test was made on pseudoverbs (*<em>abr[ons]</em>, *<em>abr[i][ons]</em>), in order to identify the morphosyntactic processing differences. The statistical analyses showed significant differences between pseudoverbs containing only existent base and existent verbs, and between pseudoverbs containing only existent inflectional suffix and inexistent but morphologically legal verbs. Still, there were significant differences in relation to the number of inflectional suffixes in pseudoverbs containing only existent inflectional suffix and in existent and morphologically legal verbs. Therefore, this study establishes the processing hierarchy of the different morphemes concatenated in the French verb. Finally, the results indicate that all verbs are decomposable, being early decomposed into base and inflectional suffixes and later have the base lexical morpheme activated for semantic access. Overall, the present investigation suggests a full decompositional morphological model in minimal units for the lexical access and visual word recognition on French verbs.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 917-925
Author(s):  
Jiaming Fang ◽  
Degao Li ◽  
Shuo Cao

Compared to the processing of the words alone, the processing of Chinese two-character words in sentences will be closer to a natural scenario, and the understanding of the sentence will be influenced by both linguistic contexts and the non-linguistic contexts. This study, in a moving-window self-paced word-by-word sentence reading task, experimentally explored the processing of Chinese sentences with emotional two-character words using reversible words and reaction time as materials and index respectively. The experimental results showed that emotional words may facilitate the processing of its following two words; there might exist subsequent processing in the third word behind the emotional word; there might exist lexical access and whole-word access, processing of morpheme positioned information in the processing of Chinese two-character words in sentence reading; the processing of Chinese two-character words may be similar with that of word alone. This study expands the research of Chinese emotional two-character words processing.


1987 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Besner

Considerable confusion exists in the literature on visual word recognition and reading with respect to the effects of articulatory suppression upon phonological recoding. The authors of a large number of journal articles, chapters, cognitive psychology textbooks, and books devoted to reading processes have concluded that suppression interferes with phonological receding of print and have used this supposed fact as a basis for determining when phonology is involved in various reading tasks. Others have concluded that suppression need not interfere with phonological recoding (e.g. Besner, Davies and Daniels, 1981; Besner and Davelaar, 1982). The present review concludes that a phonological code can be derived from printed English and used for lexical access without interference from suppression. However, operations performed upon a phonological code—e.g. post-assembly phonemic segmentation and deletion, maintenance in working memory—are disrupted by suppression. A review of the literature supports this distinction; some implications of these views are noted.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document