Implementation of the Family Violence Option 20 Years Later: A Review of State Welfare Rules for Domestic Violence Survivors

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Holcomb ◽  
Laura Johnson ◽  
Andrea Hetling ◽  
Judy L. Postmus ◽  
Jordan Steiner ◽  
...  
2007 ◽  
Vol 88 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judy L. Postmus ◽  
Sur Ah Hahn

The intertwined relationship between poverty and violence, especially in the lives of women on welfare, has been receiving critical attention since welfare reform. The Family Violence Option (FVO), an amendment to the Personal Responsibility and Work Reconciliation Act of 1996, gives states the flexibility to offer more time for battered women to seek safety. Kansas created the Orientation, Assessment, Referral, and Safety (OARS) program, in which the state's welfare system contracts services with advocacy organizations that provide on-site services for women who qualify to participate under the FVO. This study explored the interagency collaboration model used in Kansas by talking directly with domestic violence survivors about their experiences. The results from this study challenge practitioners to think differently about collaboration to meet the needs of domestic violence survivors on welfare.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (35) ◽  
pp. 124-148
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Żołyniak

In the modern world we are observing more and more new threats to the proper functioning of the family. One of them, which is not new, but rather intensified and more and more perceived in the social space, is devoted to this article. Domestic violence, because this is the case, is undoubtedly the worst type of violence and the most harmful, because it is experienced from the closest people who we should receive love, goodness and understanding. The article presents the complexity of the problem of intra-family violence. It presents the concept of violence, the form of harm and its influence on the functioning of the family. The issues are related to the process of counteracting domestic violence are pointed out, the forms of helping victims of violence by social organizations and therapeutic centers, as well as actions against perpetrators of domestic violence are emphasized. It also shows the scale of domestic violence which occurs, and an analysis of the assistance activity provided in 2015–2018 in Przemyśl district, which was based on reports of institutions helping victims and perpetrators of domestic violence. We should consider what needs to be changed to better protect families against violence and reduce its scale. Domestic violence is a big problem and a threat to the proper functioning of the family, so coherent actions of different institutions are needed to achieve the intended goal.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (03) ◽  
pp. 514-546
Author(s):  
Anne Whitesell

AbstractA large percentage of women receiving Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) — known colloquially as welfare—have experienced domestic violence in their lives, with studies reporting that upwards of 50% of welfare recipients have been abused at some point. Receiving TANF benefits can provide the financial stability that is necessary for a woman to leave an abusive relationship, though some TANF provisions, such as child support reporting requirements, may also put victims of domestic violence at risk. Under TANF, states may adopt the Family Violence Option and waive many program requirements, including time limits, work requirements, and child support reporting requirements, for victims of domestic violence. Given the importance of TANF for those trying to leave, or who have left, abusive situations, this article asks: Who represents the interests of these women in the states? To answer this question, I employ a mixed methods approach, combining a quantitative analysis of the diversity of interest groups in the states with a case study of Connecticut and New Jersey. I find that feminist and domestic violence organizations do not consistently have a significant effect on the adoption of policy accommodations for survivors, but these groups are speaking out.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-51
Author(s):  
Emma Roff

This article examines the workplace rights and anti-discrimination protections available for Australian workers who experience family violence. Despite the significance of family violence as a workplace issue, federal anti-discrimination law and, until recently, the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth) have failed to provide adequate protection to such employees. The author considers two recent developments in Australian law which may provide more comprehensive rights and protections for family violence victims. Namely, the introduction of domestic violence leave by the Fair Work Amendment (Family and Domestic Violence Leave) Act 2018 (Cth) and the family violence attribute under the ACT Discrimination Act 1991.


Affilia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soonok An ◽  
Ga-Young Choi

This study explores the experiences of domestic violence victims with their Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) applications and the subsequent assessment processes in the state of Georgia, focusing on the conditions related to their disclosure of abuse and their postdisclosure experiences. This study interviewed five victims of domestic violence, four local victim advocates, and three nationally recognized experts regarding domestic violence screening in TANF programs using semistructured interviews. Data were analyzed using grounded theory techniques. The findings showed that the participants perceived TANF application and assessment processes as (i) inaccessible and (ii) unhelpful, lacking special considerations for domestic violence victims. Conditions related to victims’ disclosure of abuse included (i) safety concerns, (ii) working relationships between local victim support agencies and TANF offices, (iii) a safe environment to disclose abuse, and (iv) advocacy. After disclosing their domestic violence history to their TANF caseworkers, the victims reported experiencing (i) a lack of continued assessment and support related to domestic violence and (ii) a compulsion to make final decisions regarding continuing or discontinuing their TANF applications. The current study contributes to the field of social work by providing a better understanding of how and to what extent victims of domestic violence are actually supported within the TANF system and by yielding practice and policy implications for effectively assisting the victims of domestic violence within the TANF system.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 52-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hillary Hiner ◽  
María José Azócar

The politics of national reconciliation during the transitional period of the 1990s in Chile constructed a hegemonic framework that affected discourses in other domains in multilayered ways. In order to achieve consensus among its various factions, the Concertación used “reconciliation” discourse to portray the nation as a family, and potentially divisive issues were framed in the most apolitical, ahistorical, and technical way. In this context, gender violence was construed as a matter of family and individual liberties, and the objective of the first family violence law was maintaining the family intact. The framework of reconciliation and its association with Christian forgiveness and family unity promoted the use of conciliation rather than sentencing as the primary means of settling domestic violence disputes and made it difficult for those affected by gender violence to achieve justice. However, the foundational discourses of the 1990s served an important purpose in opening up discursive spaces on gender violence that could be further refined.Las políticas de reconciliación nacional durante el periodo de transición de los 1990 en Chile armaron un marco hegémonico que afectó el discurso en otros campos de múltiples maneras. Para lograr el consenso entre sus diferentes facciones, la Concertación usó el discurso de la “reconciliación” para describir la nación como una familia y los temas que pudieran suscitar discrepancias fueron enmarcados de la manera más apolítica, ahistórica y técnica. En este contexto, la violencia de género fue interpretada como una cuestión de libertades individuales y de la familia, y el objetivo de la primera ley sobre violencia familiar fue mantener a la familia unida. El marco de reconciliación y su asociación con el perdón cristiano y la unidad familiar promovieron el uso de la conciliación en lugar de la sanción penal como el medio principal para resolver las disputas de violencia doméstica. Esto hizo difícil que aquellas personas afectadas por la violencia de género recibieran justicia. Sin embargo, los discursos fundacionales de los 1990 sirvieron para abrir más espacios de discusión sobre la violencia de género, y ésto es algo que podría ser profundizado.


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