Fuzzy Governance: State-Building in Kosovo Since 1999 as Interaction Between International and Local Actors

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Ernst
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Thomas Stockinger

District Administration by the State after 1848. The Nexus of the “Most Immediate Relations” between the State and the Population. With the abolition of the manorial system in 1848, the Habsburg state was forced to create its own network of local administrative institutions. This project mobilised huge quantities of both personnel and material resources, and eventually affected the everyday lives of the entire population. In Michael Mann’s terms, it intensified the previously thin, extensive power of the state. On the surface, it sought to strengthen the despotic power of the state, but at the same time, it had to rely on manifold contributions by local actors, who were compensated not only with increasing benefits, but also with opportunities to participate in governance. While the neo-absolutist attempt to replace constitutional rule with paternalist bureaucracy failed, it created structures that would remain fundamental to state-building until the end of the Monarchy and beyond.


2007 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 74-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Menkhaus

Zones of state failure are assumed to be anarchic. In reality, communities facing the absence of an effective state authority forge systems of governance to provide modest levels of security and rule of law. Nowhere is this phenomenon more evident than in Somalia, where an array of local and regional governance arrangements have emerged since the 1991 collapse of the state. The Somalia case can be used both to document the rise of governance without government in a zone of state collapse and to assess the changing interests of local actors seeking to survive and prosper in a context of state failure. The interests of key actors can and do shift over time as they accrue resources and investments; the shift “from warlord to landlord” gives some actors greater interests in governance and security, but not necessarily in state revival; risk aversion infuses decisionmaking in areas of state failure; and state-building initiatives generally fail to account for the existence of local governance arrangements. The possibilities and problems of the “mediated state model,” in which weak states negotiate political access through existing local authorities, are considerable.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-47
Author(s):  
Oliver Charbonneau

Management of labor was central to articulating and constructing U.S. colonialism in the southern Philippines. Governed by American military officers for fifteen years (1899–1914), the major island of Mindanao and those of the Sulu Archipelago became sites of intensive race management efforts. Colonial officials identified racialized Muslim and Lumad societies as out of step with the modern world of work and developed myriad programs to address this “problem,” including mandatory service on public works projects, carceral labor, industrial education, and directed markets. Unevenly applied and frequently contested, these initiatives generated a range of responses from local actors. The drive to create disciplined laborers through incentive, coercion, and violence shaped state building in the region and linked it to preoccupations with work and racial reform in other U.S. imperial possessions and the wider colonized world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-207
Author(s):  
Vuk Lazic

The paper discusses the dynamics of state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the focus on the analysis of the structural disadvantages of the concept and its implementation in the post-conflict environment. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a research case within this area study because it is a heterogeneous and divided society, with complicated historical and ongoing relations between local political actors, the complex structure of the political system, and the increasingly contested role of the international factor in the statebuilding process. The analysis of the local political dynamics established during the state-building process clearly shows the conflict between the international and local actors. The performance of the High Representative as the most important international actor in the state-building process has caused the increasing resistance of local political actors to the implementation of the state building. The author emphasizes that the legitimacy deficit and the lack of accountability of the international community, the domination of the authoritarian mode of governance, and the insistence on an integrative strategy that neglects the positions, interests and motives of local actors are the major causes of the failure of the international community project. Since Bosnia and Herzegovina still heavily depends on the international actors, the failure of the state-building process would have far-reaching negative consequences for the political stability and the future of the state. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. 179029: Srbija u savremenim medjunarodnim odnosima: Strateski pravci razvoja i ucvrscivanja polozaja Srbije u medjunarodnim integrativnim procesima -spoljnopoliticki, medjunarodni ekonomski, pravni i bezbednosni aspekti]


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 129-146
Author(s):  
Klejda Mulaj

Responding to a set of wicked problems pertaining to weak or failed states, state-building remains circumscribed by many of the problems it strives to address. Despite the expansion of literature, the challenging task of (re)building states in a postconflict setting is characterized by inadequate intellectual and policy coherence. Engaging with the existing literature, this article seeks to add clarity in ways that relate directly to the agendas of academic research and policy making. Casting into sharper relief what is distinctive and/or familiar in state formation processes in the West and the rest of the world, the analysis highlights the differing impact of nationalism. In considering the critique that contemporary international-led state-building neglects nation-building, the article suggests that the stateness of polities undergoing state-building is intrinsically linked with nationhood. State-building resides in both international and national locations of politics which condition the constitution of national identity via multiple (unequal) exchanges between external and local actors that can be depicted in terms of mimicry. Multiple political locations of state-building notwithstanding, the task of bringing the imagined community into being is more suited to national actors. Ongoing challenges of nation- and state-building require more acknowledgement that the realization of the nation cannot be a primary domain of international actors.


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