State and Local Elections, Ballot Issues

2016 ◽  
pp. 236-252
Author(s):  
Dennis W. Johnson

Significance In June and July, states will elect a total of 548 local government heads and 388 congress representatives. An unprecedented 30 independent gubernatorial candidates are registered -- up from five in last year's races. They will contest nine governorships in what will be the last batch of ordinary state and local elections to take place before the general election in 2018. Impacts Without the support of large parties in Congress, any independents who win will have difficulty delivering on their campaign promises. The mixed record of PAN-PRD alliances will make them less attractive than in the 2010 elections. The election outcome will be taken as an indication of the chances of each party in the 2018 general election.


Author(s):  
Michael E. Woods

The Dred Scott decision (1857) sought to enshrine white supremacy in constitutional law and vanquish the antislavery activists who opposed Stephen Douglas and Jefferson Davis’s Democratic Party. Nevertheless, the Davis-Douglas rivalry intensified in the late 1850s. Racism and anti-abolitionism were flimsy foundations for party unity because they could not resolve the tension between Douglas’s majoritarianism and Davis’s dedication to slaveholders’ property rights. This conflict exploded into intraparty war in 1858 as Democrats debated the admission of Kansas as a state under the proslavery Lecompton Constitution. Embraced by Davis and like-minded Democrats for safeguarding property rights, the Lecompton Constitution was assailed by Douglas and his allies as a perversion of popular sovereignty. After clashing over Lecompton in the Senate, Davis and Douglas had to defend themselves back home. Davis veered toward more extreme positions on reopening the Atlantic slave trade and passing federal legislation to protect slavery in western territories. Meanwhile, Douglas ran for re-election against Abraham Lincoln, a formidable foe who forced him to prove that popular sovereignty could produce free states. By 1859, Democrats’ efforts to win state and local elections exacerbated their party’s internal sectional conflict.


2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUSANA BERRUECOS

‘Demanding adherence to principles is, either, to accept the federal system with all its advantages and dangers, or to denounce it frankly and proclaim the empire of central government, granting it the power to correct the abuses that local authorities might commit.’Ignacio VallartaThe annulment of the 2000 gubernatorial elections in Tabasco marked a fundamental precedent for electoral justice in Mexico and the role of the Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judiciary (Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación – TEPJF) in federal, state and local elections. Successive constitutional reforms that ended with the ‘definitive’ electoral reforms of 1996 have consolidated a regime of electoral dispute adjudication at the federal level, giving political parties the right to appeal state cases before federal authorities. Whereas a clear tendency exists towards greater decentralisation of power under ‘new federalism’, in the electoral field centralism concentrated on the TEPJF and the Supreme Court of Justice has been adopted. However, in the context of political pluralism and a more authentic federalism, the TEPJF's new role has caused conflicting reactions. Some sectors are insisting on the need to limit this institution's powers so that in the future it can only rule over subnational elections based on well-defined criteria that respect specific jurisdictional principles.


2001 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian F Schaffner ◽  
Matthew Streb ◽  
Gerald Wright

2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 599-600
Author(s):  
J. Eric Oliver

Like most fields of knowledge, political science tends to progress incrementally. Typically, a political scientist develops a model about a prominent institution or common behavior and that model becomes the starting point for understanding all its other permutations. This is especially the case in studies of American state and local government, which tend to follow theories of national politics. Scholars of state legislatures typically begin their analysis by using studies of the U.S. Congress, analysts of local elections start with presidential vote models, and so on. But, as Elaine Sharp reminds us in Does Local Government Matter?, we should not be so quick to assume that models or theories about national-level politics translate easily to the local level. In fact, local politics may operate under logics all their own.


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