Electoral Justice in Mexico: The Role of the Electoral Tribunal under New Federalism

2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUSANA BERRUECOS

‘Demanding adherence to principles is, either, to accept the federal system with all its advantages and dangers, or to denounce it frankly and proclaim the empire of central government, granting it the power to correct the abuses that local authorities might commit.’Ignacio VallartaThe annulment of the 2000 gubernatorial elections in Tabasco marked a fundamental precedent for electoral justice in Mexico and the role of the Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judiciary (Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación – TEPJF) in federal, state and local elections. Successive constitutional reforms that ended with the ‘definitive’ electoral reforms of 1996 have consolidated a regime of electoral dispute adjudication at the federal level, giving political parties the right to appeal state cases before federal authorities. Whereas a clear tendency exists towards greater decentralisation of power under ‘new federalism’, in the electoral field centralism concentrated on the TEPJF and the Supreme Court of Justice has been adopted. However, in the context of political pluralism and a more authentic federalism, the TEPJF's new role has caused conflicting reactions. Some sectors are insisting on the need to limit this institution's powers so that in the future it can only rule over subnational elections based on well-defined criteria that respect specific jurisdictional principles.

Author(s):  
Chiara Parisi ◽  
Christopher Edley

Lawyers make significant contributions to education reform efforts, as do community members and professionals from various other fields. This chapter outlines and distinguishes both the venues in which and ways that lawyers add value to education reform. First, it lays out the education reform landscape and highlights the policy-influencing occupations that lawyers can have within it. Because lawyers are found both outside and within the government system at the federal, state, and local levels and in the legislative, executive, and judicial branches, they have wide-ranging potential for impact. Second, the chapter explains the unique way a lawyer’s skills and way of thought influence and improve education reform. When lawyers are involved, an education reform initiative is likely to thoughtfully consider all perspectives, bridge expertise to the law, choose the right legal path, and engage in strategic communications and public support efforts.


Author(s):  
Marne L. Campbell

Chapter 4, “The Development of the Underclass,” contextualizes the history of race in Los Angeles within the history of the American West (1870 – 1900). It explores how local white Angelenos combated notions of criminality and attempted to portray Los Angeles as atypical compared to other western American centers, hoping to pin its social ills on the small racialized communities (black Latino/a, and Chinese) that they were actively trying to segregate and minimize. It also explores California’s legal history, and examines the impact of federal, state, and local legislation on the communities of racialized minorities, particularly African American, Native American, and Chinese people. This chapter also examines the role of the local media in shaping mainstream attitudes towards local people of color.


Yuridika ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Agus Riwanto

This article will examine and explore the urgency of the state's civil apparatus to be neutral in the simultaneous local election. State civil apparatus is an apparatus that works to serve the public interest rather than serve a particular group. That is why the need for the construction of constitutional law in an effort to create regulations in order the state civil apparatus has to be neutral. The construction by progressive constitutional law is by looking for new ways or role breaking and innovative breakthroughs, if the normal way and normative unable to immediately realize the objectives of the simultaneous local elections. There are three ways: First, to revoke the right to vote of state civil apparatus in the general election. Second, models political apointee  bureaucracy in the local government. Third, change the model of career guidance state civil apparatus fom government regional autonomy to the central government by rank or class.


The article examines the first approbation of the Electoral Code on the material of the 2020 local elections in the Kharkiv region. The authors pay special attention to the effects of open lists systems and the degree of influence of preferential votes on the personal distribution of seats in local councils. The article calculates the percentage of voters who used the right of preferential votes in all 14 constituencies and main party lists. We argue that according to the indicators of the use of the preferential vote right and the percentage of invalid ballots, the voters of the Kharkiv region demonstrated a high degree of adaptive readiness for the new electoral system. The article analyzes the effects of blocking mechanisms incorporated in the electoral system, which reduced the influence of preferential votes of voters and retained the control of the party leadership over the personal distribution of mandates in the councils. The ratio between the seats from the district lists and the unified closed party lists was quantified (based on election results for the regional council and 17 city councils of the region). The article analyzes the intensity of changes in the ballot position of candidates in the district lists on regional council elections. We demonstrate that only 20% of seats were received by candidates placed by the party leadership in a “no-pass” ballot position. The article argues that the electoral formula introduced in the 2020 local elections did not work as a system with open lists proportional representation. According to the statistics of the personal allocation of seats in the newly elected councils, this model seems to be something in between the systems of flexible and closed lists. In this regard, the article develops new arguments in the debate on how the norms of electoral legislation reduce the role of preferential votes of voters and proposes recommendations for amending the Electoral Code.


10.12737/7468 ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Нелли Чхиквадзе ◽  
Nelli Chkhikvadze

The article examines the issues of marketing in the business travel market. Suggested is the concept of domestic professional tourism. The author denotes the importance of inter-regional partnerships in developing successful sales channels for the tourist product. For the development of this partnership contacts with regions and twin cities can be intensified, which will give an opportunity to establish business, cultural and scientific relations. Noted that in the process of development of such cooperation it is important to determine the status of the region, which can enter into inter-regional contacts and as a consumer of the regional tourism product, and as a partner, having a kindred tourist specialization. The role of territorial marketing as a tool to implement the strategy of regional development is also highlighted. Analyzed are levels of the tourism product in the formation of prices of territorial tourism products. Disclosed is the basis of companies that create territorial tourism products. The author demonstrates problems with branding areas, as well as the role of economic methods and marketing tools in the formation of an integrated tourist product. It is concluded that a tourism and recreation area appears in several forms: firstly, it is a product that should be promoted on the wide and local markets of tourist services; secondly, it is an administrative unit (subject), operated according to federal, state and local laws; third, it is a geographical unit (space) and has a certain resource, economic and industrial potential; fourth, it is a place where not only tourists visit but the local population resides. The significance of Public Relations for the successful promotion of the territory is high especially in the form of public relations and propaganda by creating public opinion about a product, service, manufacturer, seller, or country.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Olufemi Fatile

The role of the public service in achieving good governance cannot be underestimated. This can be gleaned from the central role it plays in the formulation and implementation of policies designed for the development of the society. In Nigeria, the role of public service has come under severe criticisms within the context of the gap that exists between its anticipated role and its actual output in guiding the society along the course leading to the desired goal as a result of corruption. This article observes that the fact that Nigeria is still grappling with the problems of bad governance goes to show the level of non-accountability and ever present manifestation of crude corruption that is open, naked, undisguised and yet legally untameable because of the system. The article also reveals that many of the anti-corruption efforts are part of the liberal reforms that are based on the assumption that corruption is an individual act or personal misuse of public office for private gain. It points out that as laudable as the intentions of government in putting in place institutions and laws meant to curb corruption, the enforcement of these laws has left much to be desired. In fact, the various reform efforts of the Nigerian government are of limited value because they fail to take into account much of the dynamics that support corruption in the country. Thus, people now regard the law as paper tigers, meant only to the enforced when breached by low-level public officers. While successive administrations have taken partially successful steps to control corruption, these efforts have not fundamentally undermined the supporting environmentfor corruption in the country. The article therefore recommends the need for greater transparency in the management of public funds by the public office holders as well as the need for political will and commitment from governments at Federal, State and Local, including bureaucracies at various levels of governance in the country. The article concludes that there is a need to transform social values as well as state institutions that work as enabling environments for corruption.  The also has enormous responsibility in controlling corruption and restoring the hope to the citizenry goodgovernance. Unless good governance is in place with accountability carefully observed, sustainable development cannot be realized.


1994 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 550-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sigman L. Splichal ◽  
Bill F. Chamberlin

Federal, state, and local governments are converting public records to computer formats at a rapid pace, creating novel issues with respect to public access. Record requesters are finding access laws, written when most documents were on paper and stored in file cabinets, inadequate when applied to requests for records held in government computers. As a result, requesters have turned to the courts to define the contours of public access in the computer age. Several court cases suggest government agencies are using the fact information is in a computer as an excuse to withhold records. This paper underlines the need to rewrite access laws to acknowledge the pervasive role of computers in government. It proposes a fifteen-point approach to computerized information to help guide the public and media in their quest to ensure computers are used to enhance public access, not undermine it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1134-1157
Author(s):  
Mattias Engdahl ◽  
Karl-Oskar Lindgren ◽  
Olof Rosenqvist

Recent decades have seen a strong trend among democratic countries to extend voting rights at subnational levels to non-naturalized immigrants, creating substantial variation across countries in terms of voting eligibility rules for non-naturalized immigrants. Our knowledge of the consequences of these different systems for immigrant political integration is, however, limited. This article seeks to shed new light on this important issue by using Swedish data to study whether immigrants who face shorter residency requirements for voting eligibility in local elections are more likely to integrate politically. We find little compelling evidence that such is the case. The results suggest that immigrants who became eligible to vote after six to seven years were as likely to naturalize and vote in future elections in both the short and long run as those who received the right to vote after only three years of residency. Thus, although expanded franchise can be of symbolic, as well as practical, value, it is unlikely to be a panacea for immigrant political inclusion. The argument that early voting rights for non-naturalized immigrants is desirable since it helps speed up immigrant political integration should, therefore, be used with some care by those advocating for such reforms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 127-133
Author(s):  
Olena Zelenko ◽  
Liudmyla Denyshchenko

The purpose of this study is to determine the peculiarities of the development of local budgets in Ukraine in the frame of decentralization reform in the context of established trends in local budgeting in other countries. The research methodology is based on the theory of financial globalization and involves methods of dialectics, methods and principles of scientific knowledge, tools of analysis and synthesis, expert evaluation, generalization and analogy. As a result of the research, the foreign experience of forming local budgets is highlighted and the peculiarities of this process in different countries of the world are determined; a review of existing publications and an analysis of the dynamics of the structure of local budgets and Ukraine are done; qualitative characteristic of the current situation and recommendations for further development of the local budgeting process in Ukraine in the current conditions of globalization are provided. Among the main recommendations for increasing the revenue part of local budgets there are the following: creation of additional conditions by the state and local governments to improve the business climate in communities; inventory and arrangement of community land funds; creation and arrangement of the real estate register; audit of the communal enterprises activities of the community in order to find additional opportunities to increase the efficiency of their activities; support and motivation of local business for further activity and development; intensification of the centers of administrative services and search for opportunities which will improve the provision of paid services of any complexity in the short term; promoting the development of domestic tourism. The practical value of the results of this research is that the proposed recommendations are general, relevant and can be used for all territorial communities of Ukraine with no exception. The analysis of trends in the context of local budgeting development processes in other countries and the current situation regarding decentralization reform allowed us to conclude that Ukraine has chosen the right direction, which has a positive impact on the financial capacity of local communities. Ukraine’s path towards transforming the role of local budgets, despite the similarity of the general features of local budget restructuring, should be unique. The implementation of the presented proposals will contribute to the successful completion of the decentralization reform and the full implementation of the role of local budgets – ensuring sustainable financial capacity and meeting all the needs of the inhabitants of a particular area.


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