Sex Work/Prostitution in Africa

Author(s):  
Chi Adanna Mgbako

Sex work, the exchange of sexual services for financial or other reward between consenting adults, has existed in Africa in varying forms from precolonial to modern times (with a distinction between sex work/prostitution and child sexual exploitation, trafficking, and transactional sex). Sex work during colonialism was often linked to migration. As the colonial economy grew and as 20th-century war efforts developed, African male migrants were drawn to urban towns, military settlements, and mining camps, which increased opportunities for African women to engage in prostitution as a form of individual and family labor. Sex workers in the colonial period often achieved increased economic and social autonomy by becoming independent heads of households, sending remittances back to their rural families, and accumulating wealth. Colonial regulation of prostitution was often lax until the outbreak of World War II, when colonial administrators became concerned about the spread of sexually transmitted infections among European troops stationed in Africa. The modern African sex work industry, composed of diverse street-based and venue-based economies, is shaped by labor, migration, and globalization. The widespread criminalization of sex work and the failure of African states to protect sex workers’ rights embolden state and nonstate actors to commit human rights abuses against sex workers. These violations take the form of police and client abuse, lack of access to justice, labor exploitation, and healthcare discrimination, all of which increase sex workers’ vulnerability to HIV/AIDS. In response to these systemic abuses, an African sex worker rights movement emerged in the 1990s and has spread throughout the continent. Sex worker rights activists at the national and pan-African level engage in direct services, legal reform advocacy, and intersectional and global movement-building that reject the stigmatization of sex work and demand the realization and protection of African sex workers’ dignity, human rights, and labor rights.

2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (3) ◽  
pp. 573-590
Author(s):  
Vanessa Carlisle

This article interrogates the common sex worker rights’ slogan “sex work is real work,” a claim that yokes sex worker struggles to labor struggles worldwide. This article argues that US-based sex worker rights activism, which relies on the labor rights framework to confront stigma and criminalization, is unable to undo how racial capitalism constructs sex work as not a legitimate form of work. While labor protections are important, sex work offers opportunity for the development of antiwork potentials. Many people engaging in sexual performance or trading sex are already creating spaces where sex work itself exceeds analysis as a job. By foregrounding sex workers’ lived experiences and the theoretical moves of antiracist anticapitalism, antiwork politics, queer liberationists, and disability justice, this article locates sex workers at the nexus of important forms of subjugated knowledge crucial for undermining the criminalization of marginalized people.


Sexualities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1288-1308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynzi Armstrong

It is well documented that sex workers manage risks in their work – such as the potential for violence and the multiple risks associated with stigma. While sex workers are commonly understood to be a stigmatised population, few studies have considered in depth how stigma operates in different legislative contexts, how it relates to sex-worker safety, and how it may be reduced. Stigma is understood to be exacerbated by the criminalisation of sex work, which defines sex workers as deviant others and consequently renders them more vulnerable to violence. However, as full decriminalisation of sex work is still relatively rare, there has been little in-depth exploration into the relationship between this legislative approach, risks of violence, and stigma. Drawing on the findings of in-depth interviews with street-based sex workers and sex-worker rights advocates, in this article I explore the links between stigma and violence, and discuss the challenges of reducing stigma associated with sex work in New Zealand, post-decriminalisation. I argue that while decriminalisation has undoubtedly benefited sex workers in New Zealand, stigma continues to have a negative impact – particularly for street-based sex workers. Decriminalisation should therefore be considered an essential starting point. However, ongoing work must focus on countering stigmatising narratives, to enable a safer society for all sex workers.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lynzi Armstrong

<p>It is widely understood that street-based sex workers are vulnerable to experiencing violence in their work. The Prostitution Reform Act (PRA) was passed in New Zealand in 2003, decriminalising sex work with the intention of supporting the health, safety, and human rights of sex workers. This thesis explores strategies to manage risks of violence amongst women working on the streets in New Zealand, considering how the law change has impacted on the management of these risks, and whether further change is required to better support the safety of street-based sex workers. Drawing from the perspectives of women working on the streets, this thesis challenges portrayals of street-based sex workers as passive recipients of violence. The experiences and perceptions of these women highlight the diverse violence related risks they managed from a range of potential perpetrators, including passersby, individuals approaching as clients, other sex workers, and minders. The shift to decriminalisation has not eliminated violence. However, the findings suggest that the law change has provided a framework that better supports existing risk management strategies. For instance, in removing the possibility of arrest for soliciting, the PRA has provided an environment in which these women have sufficient time to screen potential clients on the street. Moreover, the perceptions of these women suggest that the law change has to some extent improved the relationship between police and street-based sex workers. Nevertheless, whilst decriminalisation has created anenvironment more conducive to sex worker safety, it is clear that challenges remain in addressing violence against sex workers. Since the sex industry does not operate in social and political isolation, moral discourses continue to stigmatise and threaten the wellbeing of street-based sex workers. The overall conclusion of this thesis is that whilst decriminalisation was an important first step, moving forward to proactively challenge violence against street-based sex workers requires a paradigm shift away from discourses that support violence, to a more positive acceptance of street-based sex work in New Zealand society.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lynzi Armstrong

<p>It is widely understood that street-based sex workers are vulnerable to experiencing  violence in their work. The Prostitution Reform Act (PRA) was passed in New  Zealand in 2003, decriminalising sex work with the intention of supporting the health,  safety, and human rights of sex workers. This thesis explores strategies to manage  risks of violence amongst women working on the streets in New Zealand, considering  how the law change has impacted on the management of these risks, and whether  further change is required to better support the safety of street-based sex workers.  Drawing from the perspectives of women working on the streets, this thesis  challenges portrayals of street-based sex workers as passive recipients of violence.  The experiences and perceptions of these women highlight the diverse violencerelated  risks they managed from a range of potential perpetrators, including passersby,  individuals approaching as clients, other sex workers, and minders. The shift to  decriminalisation has not eliminated violence. However, the findings suggest that the  law change has provided a framework that better supports existing risk management  strategies. For instance, in removing the possibility of arrest for soliciting, the PRA  has provided an environment in which these women have sufficient time to screen  potential clients on the street. Moreover, the perceptions of these women suggest that  the law change has to some extent improved the relationship between police and  street-based sex workers. Nevertheless, whilst decriminalisation has created an  environment more conducive to sex worker safety, it is clear that challenges remain in  addressing violence against sex workers. Since the sex industry does not operate in  social and political isolation, moral discourses continue to stigmatise and threaten the  wellbeing of street-based sex workers.  The overall conclusion of this thesis is that whilst decriminalisation was an important  first step, moving forward to proactively challenge violence against street-based sex  workers requires a paradigm shift away from discourses that support violence, to a  more positive acceptance of street-based sex work in New Zealand society.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
A Srsic ◽  
K Dubas-Jakóbczyk ◽  
E Kocot

Abstract Background Under repressive policies, sex workers are at disproportionate risk for violence, HIV, and sexually transmitted infections. The decriminalization of sex work between consenting adults provides increased social and health benefits to both sex workers and society at large. Proponents of decriminalization advocate for these added human rights; this is the first research that complements these arguments with a quantifiable economic impact of such a law and a model for future calculations. This research assesses the potential economic consequences of decriminalizing sex work in the District of Columbia (DC) in three areas: (1) income tax revenue, (2) criminal justice system savings, and (3) health sector savings (violence, HIV, gonorrhea, and herpes). Methods An economic model is developed and utilized based on a literature review and records from local and federal agencies. Results The decriminalization of sex work in DC will generate $5,191.61 per sex worker and $2.49 per client annually, plus an additional $20,118.17 in total criminal justice system savings a year. Per sex worker, $4,906.39 will be gained from income tax revenue, and $285.46 will be generated through health sector savings. Per client, decriminalization will generate $0.05, $2.28, and $0.16 from HIV, gonorrhea, and herpes respectively, or $8,311.67 annually after considering the total number of clients. Estimates are reported in 2019 US dollars. Conclusions The potential economic impact of decriminalizing sex work is widespread. In DC, this legislation should be implemented to not only promote the city's human rights but also economic growth. The presented model, in conjunction with a rights-based foundation, should urgently be used by advocates, sex workers, decision-makers, and other researchers. Key messages An economic analysis of a policy to decriminalize sex work in DC demonstrates its widespread economic impact across sectors. The economic model generated in this research should be utilized in other regions to strengthen human rights-based arguments in support of these policies.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lynzi Armstrong

<p>It is widely understood that street-based sex workers are vulnerable to experiencing  violence in their work. The Prostitution Reform Act (PRA) was passed in New  Zealand in 2003, decriminalising sex work with the intention of supporting the health,  safety, and human rights of sex workers. This thesis explores strategies to manage  risks of violence amongst women working on the streets in New Zealand, considering  how the law change has impacted on the management of these risks, and whether  further change is required to better support the safety of street-based sex workers.  Drawing from the perspectives of women working on the streets, this thesis  challenges portrayals of street-based sex workers as passive recipients of violence.  The experiences and perceptions of these women highlight the diverse violencerelated  risks they managed from a range of potential perpetrators, including passersby,  individuals approaching as clients, other sex workers, and minders. The shift to  decriminalisation has not eliminated violence. However, the findings suggest that the  law change has provided a framework that better supports existing risk management  strategies. For instance, in removing the possibility of arrest for soliciting, the PRA  has provided an environment in which these women have sufficient time to screen  potential clients on the street. Moreover, the perceptions of these women suggest that  the law change has to some extent improved the relationship between police and  street-based sex workers. Nevertheless, whilst decriminalisation has created an  environment more conducive to sex worker safety, it is clear that challenges remain in  addressing violence against sex workers. Since the sex industry does not operate in  social and political isolation, moral discourses continue to stigmatise and threaten the  wellbeing of street-based sex workers.  The overall conclusion of this thesis is that whilst decriminalisation was an important  first step, moving forward to proactively challenge violence against street-based sex  workers requires a paradigm shift away from discourses that support violence, to a  more positive acceptance of street-based sex work in New Zealand society.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Lynzi Armstrong

<p>It is widely understood that street-based sex workers are vulnerable to experiencing violence in their work. The Prostitution Reform Act (PRA) was passed in New Zealand in 2003, decriminalising sex work with the intention of supporting the health, safety, and human rights of sex workers. This thesis explores strategies to manage risks of violence amongst women working on the streets in New Zealand, considering how the law change has impacted on the management of these risks, and whether further change is required to better support the safety of street-based sex workers. Drawing from the perspectives of women working on the streets, this thesis challenges portrayals of street-based sex workers as passive recipients of violence. The experiences and perceptions of these women highlight the diverse violence related risks they managed from a range of potential perpetrators, including passersby, individuals approaching as clients, other sex workers, and minders. The shift to decriminalisation has not eliminated violence. However, the findings suggest that the law change has provided a framework that better supports existing risk management strategies. For instance, in removing the possibility of arrest for soliciting, the PRA has provided an environment in which these women have sufficient time to screen potential clients on the street. Moreover, the perceptions of these women suggest that the law change has to some extent improved the relationship between police and street-based sex workers. Nevertheless, whilst decriminalisation has created anenvironment more conducive to sex worker safety, it is clear that challenges remain in addressing violence against sex workers. Since the sex industry does not operate in social and political isolation, moral discourses continue to stigmatise and threaten the wellbeing of street-based sex workers. The overall conclusion of this thesis is that whilst decriminalisation was an important first step, moving forward to proactively challenge violence against street-based sex workers requires a paradigm shift away from discourses that support violence, to a more positive acceptance of street-based sex work in New Zealand society.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 80-85
Author(s):  
Donna Maree Evans ◽  
Marlise L. Richter ◽  
Munyaradazi I. Katumba

All aspects of sex work are criminalized in South Africa. Due to their marginalized position in society, sex workers are often the target of police violence and human rights violations, all of which have far-reaching implications for public health. Existing complaint mechanisms and police oversight structures rarely ensure accountability for sex worker human rights violations. In 2016, various sex work sector stakeholders and allied civil society members partnered in a collaborative project to document the operational policing challenges and record a contemporary evidence base of sex worker rights violations by law enforcement. The findings demonstrated that violation of sex worker human rights is systemic, pervasive, and entrenched. The project approach helped catalyze a move away from more traditionally adversarial approaches, withstakeholders from the South African sex work sector forming the Positive Policing Partnership (PPP) as an advocacy vehicle to drive positive, solution-focused engagement on the operational policing challenges. The PPP focuses on collaboration, innovative partnerships, and capacity building. Concurrently, the COC Netherlands Dignity, Diversity and Policing project has successfully embedded a rights-based police training curriculum in partnership with the South African Police Service (SAPS). These projects employ different strategies and frameworks to catalyze positive change and to support effective engagement between the sex work sector, law enforcement, and government. This article provides a snapshot of the formation, activities and progress of these projects to date, teamed with a summary of key strategies and learnings.


2019 ◽  
pp. 194-199
Author(s):  
Nadia Van der Linde

I remember my first self-organised donor panel well. It was at the Global Social Change Philanthropy Conference in Washington, DC in 2013. I had just started work as the first coordinator of the Red Umbrella Fund—the newly established fund for and by sex workers. I organised a session that would clarify the distinction between sex work and human trafficking and emphasise the need to fund sex worker organising. We had a strong panel: an awesome sex worker activist, a knowledgeable academic, a passionate service provider, and a committed funder. I was, however, in for a rude awakening: even though the line-up was great, the audience was scarce. I thought to myself, if we can’t even get funders to show up and learn about sex workers’ rights, how will we ever meet the needs of sex worker organisations fighting for their basic human rights?


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