Morphology in Altaic Languages

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aslı Göksel
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Morphological Operations ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Auxiliary Verbs ◽  
Semantic Categories ◽  
Base Modification ◽  
Adjectival Inflection ◽  
Word Classes ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
Case Markers

The Altaic languages (Turkic, Mongolic, Tungusic) are spread across Eurasia, from Central Asia to the Middle East and the Balkans. The genetic affinity between these subgroups has not been definitively established but the commonality among features and patterns points to some linguistic connections. The main morphological operations in Altaic languages are suffixation and compounding. Generally regarded as morphologically regular with easily identifiable suffixes in which there are clear form-meaning correspondences, the languages, nevertheless, show irregularities in many domains of the phonological exponents of morphosyntactic features, such as base modification, cumulative exponence, and syncretism. Nouns are inflected for number, person, and case. Case markers can express structural relations between noun phrases and other constituents, or they can act as adpositions. Only very few of the Altaic languages have adjectival inflection. Verbs are inflected for voice, negation, tense, aspect, modality, and, in most of the languages subject agreement, varying between one and five person-number paradigms. Subject agreement is expressed through first, second, and third persons singular and plural. In the expression of tense, aspect, and modality, Altaic languages employ predominantly suffixing and compound verb formations, which involve auxiliary verbs. Inflected finite verbs can stand on their own and form propositions, and as a result, information structure can be expressed within a polymorphic word through prosodic means. Affix order is mostly fixed and mismatches occur between morpholotactic constraints and syntactico-semantic requirements. Ellipsis can occur between coordinated words. Derivational morphology is productive and occurs between and within the major word classes of nominals and verbs. Semantic categories can block other semantic categories.

scholarly journals Hindi nominal suffixes are bimorphemic: A Distributed Morphology analysis

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Yash Sinha
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
The Other ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Morphological Operations ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Morphology Analysis ◽  
Adjectival Inflection ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Right ◽  
Phonological Rules

This paper provides a Distributed Morphology (DM) analysis for Hindi nominal (noun and adjectival) inflection. Contra Singh & Sarma (2010), I argue that nominal suffixes contain two morphemes – a basic morpheme, and a restrictedly distributed additional morpheme. The presence of two different morphemes is especially evident when one compares noun and adjectival inflectional suffixes, which Singh & Sarma (2010) do not, since they only look at noun inflection.  I also show that the so-called adjectival inflectional suffixes are not limited to adjectives, and may occur on nouns, provided the noun is not at the right edge of the noun phrase. On the other hand, the regular noun inflection is only limited to nouns at the right edge of the noun phrase. This is demonstrated using a type of coordinative compound found in Hindi. Then, I take the fact that nouns can take either the regular noun inflection or the so-called “adjectival” inflection as motivation for a unified analysis for both sets of suffixes. I demonstrate that after undoing certain phonological rules, the difference between the “adjectival” and regular noun inflectional suffixes can be summarized by saying that the additional morpheme only surfaces in the regular noun inflectional suffixes. Finally, I provide vocabulary entries and morphological operations that can capture the facts about the distribution of the various basic and additional morphemes.

scholarly journals Ellipsis of case-markers and information structure in Japanese

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yo Sato ◽  
Wai Lok Tam
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Argument Position ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Case Marker ◽  
Case Markers

This paper presents an HPSG formalisation of how the ellipsis of case-marking affects the focus of the clause in Japanese. We restrict our attention to the nominative and accusative markers ga and o, and in view of the fact that the ellipsis effects on focushood vary between 1) ga and o and 2) different argument structures of the head verb, develop an essentially lexicalist account that combines both aspects, in which the implicit focus argument position is specified in the predicate. We argue that if a constituent is an implicit focus it does not, while if one is not it does, require a case-marker to be focused.

scholarly journals “We believe in democracy…”: Epistemic Modality in Justin Trudeau’s Political Speeches

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Tofan Dwi Hardjanto ◽  
Nala Mazia
Keyword(s):  
Social Context ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Epistemic Modality ◽  
Auxiliary Verbs ◽  
The Social ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Word Classes ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
Discourse Functions

This article investigates epistemic modality in political discourse. It focuses on modality markers in terms of their word classes, semantic meanings and discourse functions in political speeches. The data were taken from three speeches delivered by the 23rd Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. The results show that the markers found in the three speeches are of five different types, i.e., lexical verbs, modal adjectives, modal adverbs, modal auxiliary verbs and modal nouns, with meanings ranging from possibility, probability, to certainty. The markers also indicate the speaker’s commitment whose degree reflects the function in the social context. The speaker’s commitment is divided into three degrees of engagement, each of which serves as a means to be polite, to be diplomatic, and to be persuasive. The findings suggest that Trudeau tends to use reasonable judgment expressions to sound diplomatic and persuasive in his speeches. 

scholarly journals Locality and Expectation Effects in Hindi Preverbal Constituent Ordering

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidharth Ranjan ◽  
Rajakrishnan Rajkumar ◽  
Sumeet Agarwal
Keyword(s):  
Sentence Processing ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Language Production ◽  
Written Text ◽  
Information Status ◽  
N Gram ◽  
Case Markers ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Constituent Ordering

We investigate the relative impact of two influential theories of language comprehension, viz., Dependency Locality Theory(Gibson 2000; DLT) and Surprisal Theory (Hale 2001, Levy 2008), on preverbal constituent ordering in Hindi, a predominantly SOV language with flexibleword order. Prior work in Hindi has shown that word order scrambling is influenced by information structure constraints in discourse. However, the impact of cognitively grounded factors on Hindi constituent ordering is relatively underexplored. We test the hypothesis that dependency length minimization is a significant predictor of syntactic choice, once information status and surprisal measures (estimated from n-gram i.e., trigram and incremental dependency parsing models) have been added to a machine learning model. Towards this end, we setup a framework to generate meaning-equivalent grammatical variants of Hindi sentences by linearizing preverbal constituents of projective dependency trees in the Hindi-Urdu Treebank (HUTB) corpus of written text. Our results indicate that dependency length displays a weak effect in predicting reference sentences (amidst variants) over and above the aforementioned predictors. Overall, trigram surprisal outperforms dependency length and parser surprisal by a huge margin and our analyses indicate that maximizing lexical predictability is the primary driving force behind preverbal constituent ordering choices in Hindi. The success of trigram surprisal notwithstanding, dependency length minimization predicts non-canonical reference sentences having fronted direct objects over variants containing the canonical word order, cases where surprisal estimatesfail due to their bias towards frequent structures and word sequences. Locality effects persist over the Given-New preference of subject-object ordering in Hindi. Accessibility and local statistical biases discussed in the sentence processing literature are plausible explanations for the success of trigram surprisal. Further, we conjecture that the presence of case markers is a strong factor potentially overriding the pressure for dependency length minimization in Hindi. Finally, we discuss the implications of our findings for the information locality hypothesis and theories of language production.

Morphology in Kra-Dai Languages

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yongxian Luo
Keyword(s):  
Word Formation ◽  
Inflectional Morphology ◽  
Serial Verb Constructions ◽  
Auxiliary Verbs ◽  
Word Families ◽  
Word Classes ◽  
Lexical Items ◽  
Basic Vocabulary ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Syntactic Relations

The Kra-Dai languages (also known as Kam-Tai, Tai-Kadai, Tai-Kradai, Daic) are generally described as one of the most representative and extreme examples of isolating and analytic types; they are tonal, lacking in inflectional morphology of the type found in Indo-European. Kra-Dai languages can be said to have no distinction for number and gender in morphology, although many languages have lexical items to indicate number and gender, and some of these are increasingly used as prefixable morphemes. The majority of basic vocabulary items are monosyllabic, but disyllabic and multi-syllabic words also abound. The main strategies of morphological devices in Kra-Dai include the use of prefixes, suffixes, infixes, compounding, and reduplication. There are also phonological alternations involving stem-internal initial, vowel, or tone changes to form doublets or word families. In compounding, a significant number of compounds are idiosyncratic. Some are exocentric compounds. Opinions are divided over the identification of certain word classes due to their multifunctionality. Questions have been raised about the distinction between nouns and classifiers, and between verbs and prepositions, between adjectives and adverbs, among others. These word classes exhibit cross-boundary morphosyntactic features. Kra-Dai languages possess a rich system of noun classifiers. Some of them play a crucial role in ethno-biological taxonomy imbedded in morphological systems. A number of lexical items function as grammatical morphemes in morphosyntactic operations to mark case and other semantico-syntactic relations. Serial verb constructions are widely used without overt marking to indicate grammatical relations. Temporal and aspectual meanings are expressed through tense-aspect markers typically derived from verbs, while mood and modality are conveyed via a rich array of discourse particles as well as a set of modal-auxiliary verbs and pragmatic devices. Word formation and related morphosyntactic processes in Kra-Dai are shown to exhibit features, some of which reflect what is the universal, but others, what is culture specific.

Infinitival Clauses in Breton

1997 ◽  
Vol 42 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 205-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maggie Tallerman
Keyword(s):  
Null Subject ◽  
Infinitival Clauses ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
Abstract Case ◽  
Crucial Property ◽  
Case Licensing ◽  
Case Markers ◽  
Principles And Parameters

In Breton, lexical subjects occur both in finite clauses and infinitival clauses. Within the Principles and Parameters model, the question arises as to how infinitival subjects can be Case-licensed, since the finite Tense element associated with Case-licensing in finite clauses is absent from infinitival clauses. Infinitival subjects are, however, preceded by some prepositional element, and previous accounts have proposed that these are Case-markers, assigning abstract Case to the subjects. However, prepositional elements also occur in controlled infinitival clauses—which have the null subject PRO—yet lexical subjects and PRO are not interchangeable. In this article, it is proposed that the crucial property associated with the Case-licensing of lexical subjects in all Breton clause types is subject agreement. This occurs not only on finite verbs, but also on the prepositional elements in infinitival clauses, which are sometimes complementizers and sometimes AgrSP heads. Clauses containing PRO, however, lack subject agreement, and hence cannot license lexical subjects.

scholarly journals Infinitive verbs, verbal agreement and perceived competence / Verbos infinitivos, concordância verbal e competência percebida

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 1671
Author(s):  
Fernanda Canever ◽  
Ronald Beline Mendes
Keyword(s):  
Variable Number ◽  
Brazilian Portuguese ◽  
Social Characteristics ◽  
Frequency Of Occurrence ◽  
Auxiliary Verbs ◽  
Initial Hypothesis ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
Adverbial Clauses ◽  
Verbal Agreement ◽  
Syntactic Context

Abstract: This paper examines how competent speakers of Brazilian Portuguese (BP) sound depending on variable number inflection of infinitive verbs (INF). Recent research has shown high rates of inflected infinitives in syntactic contexts in which it is prescriptively optional, such as adverbial clauses (CANEVER, 2012, 2017). According to that work, inflected infinitives also occur in nonstandard contexts, such as complements of auxiliary verbs, which can be taken as cases of hypercorrection. Informed by these findings and given the prestige usually associated with overtly marking verbal agreement in Brazil (SCHERRE; NARO, 2006, 2014), this study uses a modified matched-guise task (LAMBERT et al., 1960) in order to check whether speakers sound more educated, more intelligent and more formal in their INFflex-guise, and whether these perceptions vary significantly according to the syntactic context, the grammatical person and listeners’ social characteristics (e.g. age). Results show that speakers are judged as more competent-sounding in their uninflected (INFø) guises, contradicting the initial hypothesis. However, further analyses show that this effect is stronger in the hypercorrect context as opposed to the syntactic context in which INFflex is more frequent. These results indicate a relation between frequency of occurrence in production and sociolinguistic perception, with higher rates of use translating into more neutral perceptions. Moreover, older respondents presented stronger reactions to INFflex guises, while younger respondents’ judgments tended to be more neutral. Such age effects suggest a change in progress in the sociolinguistic perceptions associated to (INFflex).Keywords: infinitive verbs; verb-subject agreement; perception.Resumo: Este artigo examina quão competente soa o falante de português brasileiro (PB) a depender da flexão do infinitivo (INF). Pesquisas recentes demonstram altas taxas de infinitivos flexionados em contextos sintáticos opcionais, tais como orações adverbiais (CANEVER, 2012, 2017). De acordo com esses trabalhos, infinitivos flexionados também ocorrem em contextos não padrão, tais como complementos de verbos auxiliares, que podem ser considerados casos de hipercorreção. Considerando-se esses achados e o prestígio usualmente associado à marcação de concordância verbal no Brasil (SCHERRE; NARO, 2006, 2014), este estudo desenvolve uma versão modificada de um teste de estímulos pareados (LAMBERT et al., 1960) para checar se o emprego de INFflex faz com que falantes soem mais educados, mais inteligentes e mais formais, bem como se tais percepções variam a depender do contexto sintático, da pessoa gramatical e de características dos ouvintes (p. ex. idade). Os resultados mostram que falantes foram julgados como mais competentes na presença de INFø, contrariando a hipótese inicial; análises mais detalhadas mostram, porém, que esse efeito é mais forte no contexto de hipercorreção em oposição ao contexto sintático no qual a variante INFflex é mais frequente. Tal resultado indica uma relação entre frequência de ocorrência na produção e percepção sociolinguística, com taxas mais altas de emprego traduzindo-se em percepções mais neutras. Além disso, respondentes mais velhos apresentaram reações mais polarizadas em relação a INFflex enquanto os mais jovens tenderam à neutralidade. Tal efeito de idade sugere uma mudança de percepção sociolinguística em progresso.Palavras-chave: verbos infinivos; concordância verbal; percepção.

Gender agreement alternation in Aqusha Dargwa

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-561 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Ganenkov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Information Structure ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Transitive Verbs ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
Object Agreement ◽  
Gender Features

Abstract The article discusses gender agreement alternation in Aqusha Dargwa (Nakh-Daghestanian, the Caucasus, Russian Federation). The phenomenon is observed in periphrastic verbal forms with transitive verbs where gender agreement on the auxiliary can show the gender features of either the ergative subject or the absolutive direct object. Considering existing analyses of the phenomenon in terms of information structure, I argue that agreement alternation cannot be captured by sentence-topic-oriented accounts. I also discuss a structural proposal developed by Sumbatova and Lander (2014) and show that their analysis cannot be maintained in full. Instead, I propose a modified analysis according to which only subject agreement, but not object agreement, results from a cross-clausal referential dependency between the ergative subject of the lexical verb and the absolutive subject of the matrix restructuring verb. On this view, agreement alternation may be assimilated to the familiar distinction between ergative and biabsolutive constructions found elsewhere in Nakh-Daghestanian.

Balkan-Romance

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adina Dragomirescu
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Major Influence ◽  
Definite Article ◽  
Syntactic Variation ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Complement Clauses ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Case Markers

Balkan-Romance is represented by Romanian and its historical dialects: Daco-Romanian (broadly known as Romanian), Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian, and Istro-Romanian (see article “Morphological and Syntactic Variation and Change in Romanian” in this encyclopedia). The external history of these varieties is often unclear, given the historical events that took place in the Lower Danubian region: the conquest of this territory by the Roman Empire for a short period and the successive Slavic invasions. Moreover, the earliest preserved writing in Romanian only dates from the 16th century. Between the Roman presence in the Balkans and the first attested text, there is a gap of more than 1,000 years, a period in which Romanian emerged, the dialectal separation took place, and the Slavic influence had effects especially on the lexis of Romanian. In the 16th century, in the earliest old Romanian texts, the language already displayed the main features of modern Romanian: the vowels /ə/ and /ɨ/; the nominative-accusative versus genitive-dative case distinction; analytical case markers, such as the genitive marker al; the functional prepositions a and la; the proclitic genitive-dative marker lui; the suffixal definite article; polydefinite structures; possessive affixes; rich verbal inflection, with both analytic and synthetic forms and with three auxiliaries (‘have’, ‘be’, and ‘want’); the supine, not completely verbalized at the time; two types of infinitives, with the ‘short’ one on a path toward becoming verbal and the ‘long’ one specializing as a noun; null subjects; nonfinite verb forms with lexical subjects; the mechanism for differential object marking and clitic doubling with slightly more vacillating rules than in the present-day language; two types of passives; strict negative concord; the SVO and VSO word orders; adjectives placed mainly in the postnominal position; a rich system of pronominal clitics; prepositions requiring the accusative and the genitive; and a large inventory of subordinating conjunctions introducing complement clauses. Most of these features are also attested in the trans-Danubian varieties (Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian, and Istro-Romanian), which were also strongly influenced by the various languages they have entered in direct contact with: Greek, Albanian, Macedonian, Croatian, and so forth. These source languages have had a major influence in the vocabulary of the trans-Danubian varieties and certain consequences in the shape of their grammatical system. The differences between Daco-Romanian and the trans-Danubian varieties have also resulted from the preservation of archaic features in the latter or from innovations that took place only there.

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