The 1983 Strike-Hard Campaign in China: a Moral Panic?

2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 1220-1241
Author(s):  
Mengliang Dai

Abstract Though more than three decades have passed since the launch of Strike Hard in 1983, its impact on crimes remains. Most of the literature on the campaign so far has been theoretically and methodologically limited. Using historical materials and interview data, this paper establishes an integrated theoretical framework and aims at investigating whether and how a moral panic was constructed. This study argues that the top leader played a decisive role in engineering the moral panic during the 1983 Strike Hard operated through a top-down approach under the Chinese political structure. In short, exploring events from the perspective of moral panic, this study gives a deep insight into the Chinese criminal justice system in response to crimes.

Author(s):  
Brett Curry ◽  
Banks Miller

The pervasiveness of their influence arguably makes prosecutors the most consequential actors in the American criminal justice system. Armed with discretion over which cases to pursue, what charges to file, and which issue areas to prioritize, prosecutors play a decisive role in determining what progresses from investigation to the courtroom. It is their charge to do justice in each case, but that obligation hardly forecloses the influence of politics on their decisions. Despite their centrality, however, prosecutors and their behavior have failed to garner even a fraction of the attention that scholars have directed toward law enforcement, correctional systems, or judges. The discretion of American prosecutors is theoretically immense; there are few formal constraints upon it. If a federal or state prosecutor declines to pursue a case that has been referred to him or her, that declination decision is essentially immune from judicial review. But these formalisms come with more practical limitations. At the federal level, United States Attorneys are appointed by the president and, therefore, are expected to carry out an administration’s general policy priorities. In the states, most district attorneys answer to the electorate, which imposes its own constraints on a prosecutor’s freedom of action. Chief prosecutors—state and federal—are simultaneously principals to their subordinates and agents of the people or the president. If those considerations were not enough, American prosecutors must be mindful of still other factors. How might their actions today impact their future career paths? What influence might legislative changes, public opinion, or judicial rulings have on how they operate? Scholarship on prosecutors has addressed some of these questions, but we still lack a good understanding of all the ways in which politics infects prosecutorial decision-making. As “progressive prosecutors”—many who are former public defenders—continue to win office, new questions will arise about how far prosecutors can push reform of the criminal justice system. A major looming question is how voters conditioned to law-and-order rhetoric will evaluate the new prosecutors. Some preliminary work shows that non-White prosecutors tend to reduce rates of incarceration, while Republican-affiliated prosecutors increase them.


Amicus Curiae ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-267
Author(s):  
Yu Mou

Another high-profile miscarriage of justice was reported recently by the media in China, highlighting widespread issues concerning torture and other police malpractices within the Chinese criminal justice system. Drawing from analysis in my book on the Construction of Guilt in China, this Note outlines the key drawbacks of the Chinese criminal process which contribute to wrongful convictions, namely that none of the legal institutions exhibits the autonomy to check the credibility of the evidence impartially. Alongside the problems caused by miscarriages of justice, they are also indicative of the symptoms of a weak criminal justice system, thereby opening up opportunities for future reforms. Keywords: miscarriages of justice; China; criminal justice; case construction.


2019 ◽  
pp. 37-58
Author(s):  
Emily Finch ◽  
Stefan Fafinski

A number of government and other official agencies collect statistics that provide insight into the extent of criminal behaviour, and produce reports that explore issues such as the impact of crime; policy considerations concerning responses to crime; and evaluations of the work of the various agencies involved in the criminal justice system, such as the police, the courts, prisons, and the probation service. This chapter describes the various types of statistics and reports available, explains how they can be used in the study of criminology, and details where they can be found.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Booth ◽  
Isla Masson ◽  
Lucy Baldwin

Following a number of postponements, the long awaited and much needed female offender strategy for England and Wales was finally published in June 2018. The strategy reflects the strong agreement across the sector of the need for a ‘distinct’ or ‘gender-specific’ approach to respond to the vulnerabilities of women in the Criminal Justice System (CJS). Despite this, the strategy lacks clarity and offers little assurance that the direction taken will result in actual change and positive reform. It is vital that the government’s implementation of the female offender strategy provides and demonstrates a genuine commitment to appropriate provision for females in the CJS through ring-fenced permanent funding as well as top-down accountability.


Author(s):  
Miriam Gur-Arye

This article reveals the relationship between the societal phenomenon of moral panic and the specific waves that it generates in the legal system. It focuses on hit-and-run traffic offenses and suggests that a moral panic with regard to these offenses uniquely affected the Israeli criminal justice system during 2002–2013. The media generates concern, fear, and outrage that are disproportionate to both the size and the nature of the offenses. In describing hit-and-run accidents, both the media and the courts demonize the drivers. Both the courts and the legislature react to the panic with disproportionally harsh punishments. This article also offers a possible explanation for why hit-and-run traffic offenses generated moral panic uniquely in Israel, and why this occurred during the period 2002–2013. Although the article focuses on hit-and-run traffic offenses in Israel, it has more general implications: it reveals in detail the interaction between constructed public anxieties and systems charged with delivering justice.


Youth Justice ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 147322542110305
Author(s):  
Alexa Dodge ◽  
Emily Lockhart

While responses to non-consensual intimate image distribution (NCIID) often highlight criminal law remedies, little is known about how young people are choosing to respond to this act and whether they perceive legal intervention as a useful tool. Drawing from interviews with 10 teenagers and survey responses from 81 adult supporters, we provide insight into how young people perceive the supports available to them for responding to NCIID. We find young people may avoid seeking support from both the criminal justice system and adults in general due to fears of adult overreaction, victim blaming and shaming, and self/peer criminalization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 211-227
Author(s):  
Amanda Clough

The revolution of the partial defences to murder by the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 may have had a catastrophic impact on cases of mercy killing.1 While previously shoehorned into the diminished responsibility plea, the medicalisation of this defence may prevent such a ploy. However, a recent case has offered insight into the circumstances which may still result in a manslaughter conviction for mercy killers through a new avenue previously thought impermissible. This article will discuss the case and those similar, alongside charging decisions and just results. Mercy killing remains a grey area in the criminal justice system, but is there light at the end of the tunnel?


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