scholarly journals Grandparenting in the United States

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Madonna Harrington Meyer ◽  
Amra Kandic

AbstractGrandparenting varies enormously in the United States and here we discuss that growing diversity. Relying on exchange and reciprocity, feminist, and political economic theoretical perspectives, we begin by exploring the increasing need for grandchild care and assistance in the United States and the dearth of federal and employer supports for working families. Assessing the impact of sociodemographic trends, notably the rise in single parenting and the increase in employment among grandparents, we assess the intensification of grandparenting. Then we turn to issues related to proximity, examining the pleasures and challenges of coresidential, custodial, long distance, and transnational grandparenting. Finally, we turn to the impact of grandparenting on the emotional, physical, and financial wellbeing of grandparents.

Author(s):  
William R. Thompson ◽  
Leila Zakhirova

System leaders, sometimes referred to as hegemons or world powers, emerge based on a foundation of technological innovation and global military reach. To this foundation energy is now added as a third leg of the power stool. It is not a coincidence that observers posit 17th-century Netherlands, 19th-century Britain, and 20th-century United States as the leading states in political-economy terms of their respective eras. The Dutch used peat and windmills, the British married coal to the steam engine, and the United States added petroleum and electricity to coal to fuel a host of new machines. The greater a country’s lead in technology and energy, the more impactful its tenure as the world economy’s lead economy. These leads, nonetheless, do not make their principal beneficiaries into dominant dictators of world politics. Instead, they focus on policing long-distance commercial routes and the global commons, as well as organizing coalitions to suppress perceived threats to the continued functioning of the world economy. Whether this process, which emerged slowly only in the second millennium ce, will continue into the future remains to be seen. It hinges on the prospects for abandoning carbon-based fuels, adapting renewable energy sources, and retaining the ability of one state to maintain a political-economic lead over its rivals for decades as in the past.


1996 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel Pinderhughes

The toxic pollution problem is composed of several interrelated parts which are involved in the process of production, use, and disposal of chemicals and products considered necessary for society. Each day, millions of pounds of toxic chemicals are used, stored, disposed of, and transported in and out of communities throughout the United States. Most Americans assume that pollution and other environmental hazards are problems faced equally by everyone in our society. But a growing body of research shows that the most common victims of environmental hazards and pollution are minorities and the poor. Disproportionate exposure to environmental hazards is part of the complex cycle of discrimination and deprivation faced by minorities in the United States. This article examines social science empirical research on the relationship between race, class, and the distribution of environmental hazards and the theoretical perspectives which have emerged to explain environmental inequities. The article also discusses the link between the environmental justice movement, which seeks to confront the causes and consequences of environmental inequities, and social science research on environmental inequity.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 91 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-188
Author(s):  
Sandra Scarr ◽  
Deborah Phillips ◽  
Kathleen McCartney ◽  
Martha Abbott-Shim

The quality of child care services in the United States should be understood within a context of child care policy at the federal and state levels. Similarly, child care policy needs to be examined within the larger context of family-support policies that do or do not include parental leaves to care for infants (and other dependent family members) and family allowances that spread the financial burdens of parenthood. Maynard and McGinnis1 presented a comprehensive look at the current and predictable policies that, at federal and state levels, affect working families and their children. They note the many problems in our "patchwork" system of child care—problems of insufficient attention to quality and insufficient supply for low-income families. Recent legislation is a step toward improving the ability of low-income families to pay for child care (by subsidizing that part of the cost of such care which exceeds 15% rather than 20% of the family income) and some steps toward training caregivers and improving regulations. They note the seeming political impasse over parental leaves, even unpaid leaves, and the impact of this lack of policy on the unmet need for early infant care. We should step back from the current morass of family and child care policies in the United States and look at what other nations have done and continue to do for their working families. By comparison with other industrialized countries in the world, the United States neglects essential provisions that make it possible for parents in other countries to afford to rear children and to find and afford quality child care for their children.


Plant Disease ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 104 (10) ◽  
pp. 2634-2641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Braham Dhillon ◽  
Chunda Feng ◽  
Maria Isabel Villarroel-Zeballos ◽  
Vanina Lilian Castroagudin ◽  
Gehendra Bhattarai ◽  
...  

Downy mildew of spinach, caused by the obligate pathogen Peronospora effusa, remains the most important constraint in the major spinach production areas in the United States. This disease can potentially be initiated by asexual sporangiospores via “green bridges”, sexually derived oospores from seed or soil, or dormant mycelium. However, the relative importance of the various types of primary inoculum is not well known. The ability of P. effusa sporangiospores to withstand abiotic stress, such as desiccation, and remain viable during short- and long-distance dispersal and the ability of oospores to germinate and infect seedlings remain unclear. Thus, the primary objectives of this research were to evaluate the impact of desiccation on sporangiospore survival and infection efficiency and examine occurrence, production, and germination of oospores. Results indicate that desiccation significantly reduces sporangiospore viability as well as infection potential. Leaf wetness duration of 4 h was needed for disease establishment by spinach downy mildew sporangiospores. Oospores were observed in leaves of numerous commercial spinach cultivars grown in California in 2018 and Arizona in 2019. Frequency of occurrence varied between the two states-years. The presence of opposite mating types in spinach production areas in the United States was demonstrated by pairing isolates in controlled crosses and producing oospores on detached leaves as well as intact plants. Information from the study of variables that affect sporangiospore viability and oospore production will help in improving our understanding of the epidemiology of this important pathogen, which has implications for management of spinach downy mildew.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Summer 2020) ◽  
pp. 161-181
Author(s):  
Mustafa Kibaroğlu

With the wrap-up of the S-400 deal with Russia in December 2017, critics argue that Turkey is caught between a rock and a hard place due to the adamant opposition of its NATO allies, the United States in particular, which has threatened Ankara with imposing severe sanctions. Would this be the correct representation of the situation at hand? Does it make any sense for Turkey to engage Russia, an archrival nation, to enhance the security of the country? Is the S-400 deal worth the risk of alienating the allied nations whose projected sanctions may have wide-ranging political, economic and military repercussions? With these questions in mind, this paper will try to shed light on the specifics of the S-400 deal that make one think that it may indeed make sense for Turkey to bear the brunt of engaging Russia. In the same vein, the paper will assess the impact of the S-400 deal on Turkey’s defense industries. The paper will also present the author’s conception of the current “international political non-order” as an underlying factor behind the deal. Finally, the paper will suggest that the S-400 deal must be approached from a wider perspective so as to grasp the extent of the service it has done in bolstering Turkey’s military-industrial complex.


Author(s):  
James Foreman-Peck

Long-distance international trade for hundreds of years stemmed primarily from differences in climate. Generally free-trade policy and reduced transport cost superimposed another pattern by 1914; one of greater international specialization based upon land and labor abundance or scarcity. The broadly open trading world of the beginning of 1914 broke down first under the impact of war and then of the Great Depression. By 1945 the United States had emerged as the most powerful nation, committed to establishing a world order that would not make the mistakes of the preceding decades. The promotion of more liberalized trade among the wealthier nations, over the following decades hugely expanded the volume of trade. Trade in manufactures—based on skill endowments and preference diversity—came to dominate that in primary product. Services strongly increased in importance, especially with the rise of e-commerce. Oil displaced coal as the world’s principal fuel, redistributing income to those countries with substantial oil deposits. The greatest threat to the continuing expansion of world incomes and trade came from the Great Recession of 2008–2009, but the World Trade Organization regime discouraged the mutually destructive trade wars of the earlier period. However, the WTO was less successful 10 years later in restraining the damaging United States–China trade conflict.


Author(s):  
John P. S. McLaren

From whatever standpoint it may be viewed, the decision of President Johnson to order the Marines into the Dominican Republic on April 28, 1965, was bound to provide a focus for controversy. However, the essentially political nature of that act and its ostensible and concealed motivations have tended to shroud the impact of the Dominican crisis upon the legal mechanisms of the Inter-American System, outlined in the basic documents and developed in the practice of the Organization of American States. This is not to suggest that the problems of Latin America in general and of the Dominion Republic in particular are reducible to a statement of principles of international law. Indeed, it is the present writer’s contention that the Latin American members of the Organization have demonstrated that they are far too servile towards what they deem to be the basic norms of American international law, and that this attitude coupled with the equivocal political manœuvres of the United States has produced a form of institutional schizophrenia which deflects attention from the basic problems of contemporary Latin America and the pressing need for their solution. The main purposes of this comment are to examine the Dominican crisis in the context of fundamental stresses in Latin American society, to evaluate the roles of the United States and the O.A.S. in terms of their reactions to this case, and to make some general comments on how the Inter-American System may be rendered more meaningful in dealing with the political, economic, and social priorities of the region.


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