India's Economic Development and International Economic Relations

1962 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-283
Author(s):  
Michael Kidron
Federalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 89-110
Author(s):  
G. I. Chufrin

The present article is devoted to the analysis of participation of new post-Soviet Eurasian states in international economic relations, of current goals and strategic targets of this policy in the economic development of these states. Many, in fact the majority of them appeared to be unable after achieving political sovereignty to solve complex economic problems of national development since they had neither organizational experience in carrying out an independent and effective economic policy nor the personnel, technological and financial provisions for these goals. Therefore new independent Eurasian states had to approach foreign countries searching for adequate forms and methods of cooperation with them on these issues. In this connection the article explores the nature of interrelations between post-Soviet states with their principal foreign partners on a bilateral basis as well as in multilateral international economic organizations, of the comparative role of political and economic factors in these relations. Some of the post-Soviet states have begun their participation in the Eurasian integration project headed by Russia, others aim at solving their external political and economic problems by strengthening relations with the USA and European Union on a priority basis, still others see the way out in promoting their orientation primarily on their closest regional partners (such as China, Turkey, Iran). However, neither of these directions of external economic activities has become a dominant one on the post-Soviet space. Moreover, some of their elements may get a priority significance, neighboring others or even replacing them at various stages of development of this or that post-Soviet state. Besides, three decades after their formation the new sovereign Eurasian states having endured complex processes of national state building began to differ substantially from each other by their political systems, by levels of economic development and above all – by their strategic goals, aspirations and orientations. And in its turn this has caused serious changes in their approaches to building relations with their external partners, both in bilateral and multilateral formats. Under these conditions the most important national priority of Russia is to implement such a foreign policy at the post-Soviet space that would react timely and most flexibly at social, political and economic processes going on there and emphasizing that most important goal of such a policy is neither a political expansion or an institution of a great power hegemony but development of partnership and friendly relations with the post-Soviet states on the basis of equality and mutual benefits.


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 492-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Bayne

IN MY GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION/LEONARD SCHAPIRO lecture in 1993 I attempted an incomplete analysis of international economic relations after the end of the cold war, in particular the unexpected tensions and difficulties. The end of superpower confrontation had not only removed one incentive for Western countries to settle their economic disputes. It had also lowered the priority given to security issues, where national governments were in control, and had exposed their dwindling ability to take economic decisions, because of the extent of the interdependence which was the price paid for their prosperity. I could not think of a single area of domestic policy immune from international influence. Professor Susan Strange has developed a more trenchant analysis of this trend in her Government and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro lecture this year.


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