Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East: power projection and post-ideological politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 1125-1142
Author(s):  
Katerina Dalacoura

Abstract Power projection, security, pragmatic considerations and a disparate mix of national interests and narrower party-political objectives have driven the foreign policy of Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) in the Middle East since it came to power in 2002. Ideological concerns, consisting of a fluid blend of Islamist, neo-Ottoman and ‘civilizationalist’ ideas, mingled with a hefty dose of Turkish nationalism, have played a variable, auxiliary but none the less significant role. The Arab uprisings of 2011 opened up opportunities for the AKP to pursue its ideological objectives and they became more central to its policies, if only in some areas or clusters of relationships. However, they receded after 2015, when a confluence of domestic and regional factors caused the onset of a transactional, ‘post-ideological’ phase. The article places the Middle East in the wider context of Turkish foreign policy, both historically and in comparison with other regions, arguing in the process that categories of ‘East’ and ‘West’ are of limited value for its proper understanding and interpretation. It then divides it into four sub-regions, distinct in geographical and issue terms: Syria and Iraq (the ‘near abroad’), the wider Arab world, Israel–Palestine, and Iran. It analyses Turkish foreign policy towards them in sequence, illustrating the ways in which power-political considerations have predominated in all, albeit in different ways and to varying degrees, over the past five years.


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-597
Author(s):  
Shaimaa Magued

This article examines scholarship from the Arab world on Turkish foreign policy since the early 1980s to show shifts in Arab perceptions of Turkey. Prior to 2002, Arab scholars were focused on the competition between Turkey's secular and religious elites, with largely negative views of the country's policies in the Middle East. With the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Arab scholars began to look more positively toward Turkey, as it sought to play a new role in the Middle East. With the Arab uprisings from 2011 onward, the Arab literature on Turkey began to vary, reflecting the developments in Turkey's relationships with scholars' respective countries.



2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mesut Özcan ◽  
Talha Köse ◽  
Ekrem Karakoç


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.





Author(s):  
İlkin MİKAYILOV

This article’s main argument is that after failure of ‘zero problems with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy Turkey is experiencing the transformation of foreign policy and more focusing towards the regions which were ignored before. After Arab Spring, especially after the Syrian Crisis, it has been observed that ‘zero problem with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy became ineffective and lost its effect in the Middle East. However, this does not mean that Turkey’s foreign policy loses its assertiveness. After assertive policies towards Middle East and Mediterranean areas, Turkey’s assertive foreign policy shifted towards new regions, which are historically, have less confrontation with Turkey and has positive trends against Turkey such as Caucasus and Central Asia. In this context, while the relations with the Turkic Council were deepened, the policy towards this region became clear with the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. During the Second Nagorno- Karabakh War Turkey gave strong support to Azerbaıjan both in term of rhetoric and military support as well based on Turkish drones and other Turkish made military equipment which shows the assertiveness of Turkey. The development of the Turkic Council’s member countries both politically and economically made organization an important regional actor. Thus, Turkic Council become an important tool for Turkish foreign policy in terms of assertiveness. Turkey’s assertive foreign policy will increase which is the in compliance with the Turkey’s national security. Also for region countries, it is important that Turkey put weight on region, which is crucial for Turkish foreign policy. Keywords: Assertiveness, Caucasus, Turkish Foreign Policy, Turkic Council.



2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-161
Author(s):  
G. G. Kosach

The paper examines the evolution of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in the context of wider changes in the Middle East and in the Arab world triggered by the Arab Spring. The author argues that during this decade the Kingdom’s foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental transformation: the very essence of the Saudi foreign policy course has changed signifi cantly as the political es-tablishment has substantially revised its approaches to the country’s role in the region and in the world. Before 2011, Saudi Arabia — the land of the ‘Two Holy Mosques’ — positioned itself as a representative of the international Muslim community and in pursuing its foreign policy relied primarily on the religious authority and fi nancial capabilities. However, according to Saudi Arabia’s leaders, the Arab Spring has plunged the region into chaos and has bolstered the infl uence of various extremist groups and movements, which required a signifi cant adjustment of traditional political approaches. Saudi Arabia, more explicit than ever before, has declared itself as a nation state, as a regional leader possessing its own interests beyond the abstract ‘Muslim Ummah’. However, the author stresses that these new political ambitions do not imply a complete break with the previous practice. For example, the containment of Iran not only remains the cornerstone of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, but has become even more severe. The paper shows that it is this opposition to Iran, which is now justifi ed on the basis of protecting the national interests, that predetermines the nature and the specifi c content of contemporary Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy including interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), approaches towards the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, combating terrorism, and relations with the United States. In that regard, the transformation of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy has, on the one hand, opened up new opportunities for strengthening the Kingdom’s interaction with Israel, but, at the same time, has increased tensions within the framework of strategic partnership with the United States. The author concludes that currently Saudi Arabia is facing a challenge of diversifying its foreign policy in order to increase its international profi le and political subjectivity.





2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 169-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meliha Benli Altunışık

AbstractTurkish foreign policy in the Middle East has become highly contested in the last two decades. The changes in the international and domestic environment have led to the emergence of competing ideas as to the elements of Turkish foreign policy in this region. This article argues that these ideas ultimately represent worldviews as they start with different assumptions about what Turkey is, what the basis of Turkey's interest and involvement should be in this region, to what extent Turkey should engage the Middle East, and what the threats and/or opportunities emanating from the region are. Each of these worldviews has been institutionalized to some extent. I conclude that these worldviews continue to co-exist and compete with each other in Turkish foreign policy today.



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