New Dimensions of Global Feminist Influence: Tracking Feminist Mobilization Worldwide, 1975–2015

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Summer Forester ◽  
Kaitlin Kelly-Thompson ◽  
Amber Lusvardi ◽  
S Laurel Weldon
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Regional Patterns ◽  
Global Impact ◽  
Regional Trends ◽  
Formal Organizations ◽  
Feminist Movements ◽  
Regional Comparisons

Abstract Feminist mobilization, crucial for advancing women's human rights, has increased in all world regions since 1975. However, we do not know enough about the global impact of this mobilization because we lack adequate databases to explore the ways that feminist mobilization interacts with other factors that enhance and limit women's rights, such as democracy, intergovernmental processes, and transnational, regional organizing. Our ability to explore these questions is obstructed by a lack of data on the global south and measures that focus on formal organizations. This project remedies these gaps, developing an improved measure of feminist mobilization that encompasses autonomous, domestic feminist mobilization in 126 countries, 1975–2015, enabling us to track global and regional trends. Using regional comparisons and statistical analysis, we use this new measure to reveal new patterns and complexities in feminist mobilization. We discern distinct regional patterns in such organizing that defy facile predictions of global convergence and suggest a central role for UN processes advancing women's rights. Our analysis also points to the importance of transnational feminist networks and democratization as factors enabling and strengthening feminist mobilization. We conclude by suggesting some fruitful avenues for exploring relationships between feminist movements, international institutions, and democracy.

Conscientization of Social Cryptomnesia Reduces Hostile Sexism and Rejection of Feminists

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Vernet ◽  
Jorge Vala ◽  
Ligia Amâncio ◽  
Fabrizio Butera
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Positive Attitude ◽  
Hostile Sexism ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Minority Influence ◽  
N 93 ◽  
Minority Participants ◽  
Feminist Movements

This paper develops a hypothesis concerning the conscientization of social cryptomnesia, claiming that it is possible to reduce the rejection of minorities by reminding the population that a certain value has been promoted by a certain minority. Participants (N = 93) first reported their attitudes toward women’s rights and feminist movements. They were then confronted with their higher appreciation of women’s rights over feminists (social cryptomnesia) and blamed for it (conscientization) in a more versus less threatening manner. Results indicated that conscientization can be effective not only in inducing a more positive attitude toward feminists, but also in decreasing hostile sexism when the threat is lower. Implications for minority influence research are discussed.

Women, women's rights and feminist movements

2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Vernet ◽  
Fabrizio Butera
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The Social ◽  
Feminist Movements

English This article contends that feminist movements are victims of social cryptomnesia: while women's rights are nowadays largely approved, the role of feminist movements in obtaining these rights is not recognized, and feminist groups are still stigmatized. This social cryptomnesia is believed to hinder further progress towards equality between men and women. Indeed, although women's rights are officially protected, men-women differences in status still exist; however, the potential of feminist movements to achieve real equality is blocked by social cryptomnesia, which describes feminists as extremists who do not realize that women's rights have already changed. We review some of the achievements of two waves of feminist movements in obtaining women's rights; the obstacles to a third wave of movements claiming real equality are discussed in relation to the social cryptomnesia phenomenon. French L'article soutient que les mouvements féministes sont victimes d'une cryptomnésie sociale. Bien que les droits des femmes soient largement approuvés aujourd'hui, le rôle des féministes dans l'obtention de ces droits n'est pas reconnu, et les groupes féministes sont toujours stigmatisés. Cette cryptomnésie sociale pourrait entraver le progrès ultérieur vers l'égalité homme-femme. En effet, bien que les droits des femmes soient officiellement protégés, il existe encore d'importantes différences de statut entre hommes et femmes; cependant, le potentiel des mouvements féministes pour promouvoir une égalité réelle est bloqué par la cryptomnésie sociale, qui décrit les féministes comme des extrémistes qui ne se rendent pas compte que les droits des femmes ont déjà changé. Nous présentons quelques résultats obtenus par deux vagues de mouvements féministes dans la promotion des droits des femmes, et discutons, sur la base du phénomène de la cryptomnésie sociale, les obstacles qui s'opposent à une troisième vague de mouvements qui se battent pour une égalité dans les faits.

On the Strategic Uses of Women’s Rights: Backlash, Rights-based Framing, and Anti-Gender Campaigns in Colombia’s 2016 Peace Agreement

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Elizabeth S. Corredor
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Large Body ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Gender Perspective ◽  
Feminist Movements

ABSTRACT This article examines organized opposition to feminist and LGBTI political projects in Colombia. Although there is a large body of literature on feminist movements and a growing literature on LGBTI movements, there is little research on resistance to them. Through an intersectional feminist lens, this study analyzes the “anti-gender” campaign organized against the gender perspective in Colombia’s 2016 peace agreement to demonstrate the limitations of backlash theory and certain normative understandings of human rights. In contrast to assumptions that backlash is predetermined, the study demonstrates that the anti-gender mobilization against the peace agreement was circumstantial rather than inevitable. To highlight the productive nature of backlash, it traces how opponents employed human rights rhetoric to establish an alternative present and promote an imagined future rooted in exclusion and repression. In addition, it shows that mobilized backlash against feminist and LGBTI movements does not necessarily decelerate or reverse the respective movements’ agendas.

Arab Women and Feminist Movements in Israel are Between the Hammer of Society and the Anvil of Law

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-44
Author(s):  
Tajread Keadan
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Public Transportation ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Arab Women ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Job Opportunities ◽  
The Status ◽  
Arab Minority ◽  
The One ◽  
Feminist Movements

The aim of this research is to reveal the status and image of Arab women and feminist movement in Israel, as it discusses the reality of citizens of Israel and the extent to which they have access to and enjoy their civil, economic, social and political rights. On the one hand, it also analyses women’s rights from the perspective of a society governed by customs and traditions. This is represented by the authority of the male over the female, because the Arab society is a biased society between males and females to some extent, and on the other hand it demonstrates a comparative view with the international law, agreements and treaties that provided for ensuring the protection of women’s rights. Through this study, the researcher believes that Arab women bear the burdens of submitting themselves to nationalism and the Arab minority on the one hand and the burdens of racial discrimination against Arabs in general and against women in particular. In addition, the local authority responsible for Arab regions and cities bears part of the violations of women’s rights in employment that affect their role in the labor market. This is because it does not carry out its responsibility towards the Arab minority as required, and specifically with regard to securing suitable job opportunities for women, securing public transportation, and suitable places for women with children.

scholarly journals Can men promote feminist movements?

2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 723-733
Author(s):  
Jean Pierre Vernet ◽  
Jorge Vala ◽  
Fabrizio Butera
Keyword(s):  
Social Influence ◽  
Attitude Change ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Positive Attitude ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
The Social ◽  
Same Gender ◽  
Feminist Movements

This research investigates the possibility for men to promote feminist movements. In two experiments, we used the social influence technique of reassociation, known to reduce the rejection of feminists by blaming the target for forgetting that feminists have promoted women’s rights. An influence source, either same-gender (lower threat) or different-gender (higher threat), confronted participants with the reassociation technique and blamed them in a more versus less threatening manner. This procedure is known to induce positive attitude change when threat is lower. Results of two experiments showed that a less threatening ingroup source induced a more positive attitude change toward feminists when reassociation was less threatening than when it was more threatening, while a more threatening outgroup source achieved equally lower levels of attitude change in all conditions. In sum, the reassociation procedure can be used to ameliorate attitudes toward feminist movements, but within the framework of intragroup, not intergroup, social influence communications.

scholarly journals ‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-64
Author(s):  
MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI SAIDIN ◽  
NUR AMIRA ALFITRI
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
State Feminism ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Feminist Movements ◽  
The Impact

Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights. In so doing, this article examines the connection between state feminism and the plight of women’s struggles in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution and, looks into the impact of top down polices, and government approaches towards improving the status of women. This article concludes that women in the post revolutionary era have experienced a new trajectory in political and social freedom,the country has recorded a spike increase in the number of active female lawmakers, government executives, politicians, electoral candidates and the emergence of human right groups, gender activists and feminist movements. All these ‘women’s actors’ have directly involved in the process of drafting the new Tunisian constitution, which resulted in the acknowlegdement of women’s rights protection via article 46 in 2014 and the Nobel Peace Price Award in 2015.

scholarly journals New Brazilian feminisms and online networks: Cyberfeminism, protest and the female ‘Arab Spring’

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolina Matos
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Gender Discrimination ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Online Networks ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
The Media ◽  
Feminist Movements

In the last decades, the region of Latin America has been through many changes, with the reduction of inequality levels and a political trend which has seen the election of female politicians throughout the continent, including a revival of gender politics and feminist movements. Countries like Brazil are still home to gender discrimination and inequality, with high levels of domestic violence towards women, low levels of political representation, a culture of machismo and the predominance still of stereotypical gender representations in the media. Questions asked include how the media can better contribute to assist in gender development and nation-building. How can online platforms make a difference? This article provides a critical summary of feminist theoretical perspectives on the potential of online communications for the advancement of women’s rights, further providing a brief case study of contemporary Brazilian feminism and the mobilization around women’s rights, particularly in 2015.

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