scholarly journals New Brazilian feminisms and online networks: Cyberfeminism, protest and the female ‘Arab Spring’

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolina Matos
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Gender Discrimination ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Online Networks ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
The Media ◽  
Feminist Movements

In the last decades, the region of Latin America has been through many changes, with the reduction of inequality levels and a political trend which has seen the election of female politicians throughout the continent, including a revival of gender politics and feminist movements. Countries like Brazil are still home to gender discrimination and inequality, with high levels of domestic violence towards women, low levels of political representation, a culture of machismo and the predominance still of stereotypical gender representations in the media. Questions asked include how the media can better contribute to assist in gender development and nation-building. How can online platforms make a difference? This article provides a critical summary of feminist theoretical perspectives on the potential of online communications for the advancement of women’s rights, further providing a brief case study of contemporary Brazilian feminism and the mobilization around women’s rights, particularly in 2015.

scholarly journals Re-thinking feminism and democratic politics: the potential of online networks for social change and gender equality in Brazil

2018 ◽  
pp. 17-30
Author(s):  
Carolina Matos
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Gender Development ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Online Networks ◽  
Online Platforms ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
The Media ◽  
And Gender

This article provides a critical summary of feminist theoretical perspectives on the potential of online communications for women’s rights, further sketching abrief case study of contemporary Brazilian feminism and the mobilization around women’s rights, particularly in the year 2015. This is done through a discussion of the discursive online practices of websites like Blogueiras Feministas and the NGO Think Olga, part of a wider project (Matos, 2017). Questions asked include how the media can better contribute to assist in gender development, and how online platforms can make a difference. I argue that despite constraints and setbacks, the seeds of a wider transformative influence in the offline world are slowly being planted in a highly fragmented, heterogeneous and erratic blogosphere.

scholarly journals The Basic Values of Humanity in an Indonesian Language Textbook used in Junior High Schools

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miftakhul Huda ◽  
Eko Purnomo
Keyword(s):  
High Schools ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Junior High ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Junior High Schools ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Basic Pattern ◽  
Curriculum Relevance

This study seeks to identify the basic values of humanity presented in the Indonesian language textbook used in Junior High Schools. This study used a qualitative approach, with a textbook as a case study (specifically the Indonesian language textbook for the seventh, eighth, and ninth grades). The data considered took the form of words, phrase, sentences, discourse, and pictures showing the basic values of humanity. Data was collected a questionnaire which was subsequently analyzed. First, data were firstly classified according to the taxonomy and characteristic. Then codes were assigned to the different classifications. Then referential comparison techniques were used to measure the structure of basic values of humanity in the textbooks. This was followed by the construction of a basic pattern and the validation of the data. The research identified fifteen main points, they were scientific perspective, materials concept explication, curriculum relevance, interesting, increasing motivation, stimulating students’ activities, illustrative, understandable, supporting the other subjects, respecting individual differences, stabilizing values, protecting men and women’s rights, appreciation towards achievements, supporting freedom of speech, and respecting the essence of human being. From those fifteen main points, four points need to be improved, they are: stimulating students’ activities, illustrative, protecting men and women’s rights, and supporting freedom of speech. Keywords: humanity values, textbook, Indonesian language

Women in Burundi

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie Saiget
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Collective Actions ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
History Of ◽  
Women’S Organizations

The history of women is characterized by nonlinear and gendered social, political and economic processes. In particular, the history of Burundian women’s collective actions has been embedded in the contested and violent trajectory of the Burundian state. Burundian women’s collective actions refer to a broad range of interactions: from protest, and social mobilizations to institutionalized actions. These interactions have been shaped by both global and local social structures, and by complex conflictive and cooperative relations between the Burundian state, political parties, women’s organizations and movements, and external actors (colonial powers, international organizations, non-governmental organizations). Women’s experiences in Burundi’s pre-colonial patriarchal society are little known, with the exception of the glorified Queen-mothers. German and Belgian colonial policies (1886–1962) reinforced and rigidified pre-colonial social constructions of ethnic and gendered social identities and roles, assigning ordinary women to the domestic sphere and sanctioning their social inferior status along with ethnic lines (Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa). After Burundi’s independence, the one-party military regime organized and supervised the first forms of women’s political participation through the Union des femmes burundaises (1962–1980s). The democratic transition of the early 1990s led to the creation of autonomous women’s organizations and networks, which were extended during the civil war (1993–2005). Burundian women actively contributed to national and grassroots peace processes. In particular, a delegation of seven Burundian women participated in the negotiations held in Arusha (1998–2000), with observer status. Post-conflict struggles for women’s rights posed the central issue of women’s political representation, with the adoption of gender quotas from 2005, but left aside other issues after 2010, such as women’s right to inherit land. In Spring 2015, Burundian women were present in protests against the president’s third mandate; with the women’s march being the first to reach the city center in March 2015. Women’s organizations kept mobilizing towards women’s rights after the electoral crisis, in exile or within Burundi, though facing important financial constraints and political repression.

scholarly journals Cultural Techniques of Cognitive Capitalism: Metaprogramming and the Labour of Code

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jussi Parikka
Keyword(s):  
Media Theory ◽  
Value Appropriation ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
The Media

This article addresses cultural techniques of cognitive capitalism. The author argues that to understand the full implications of the notion of cognitive capitalism we need to address the media and cultural techniques which conditions its range and applications. The article offers an expanded understanding of the labour of code and programming through a case study of 'metaprogramming', a software related organisation practice that offered a way to think of software creativity and programming in organisations. The ideas from the 1970s that are discussed offer a different way to approach creativity and collaborative and post-Fordist capitalism. The author brings together different theoretical perspectives, including German media theory and Yann Moulier Boutang’s thesis about cognitive capitalism. The wider argument is that we should pay more attention to the media archaeological conditions of practices of labour and value appropriation of contemporary technological capitalism as well as the cultural techniques which include 'ontological and aesthetic operations' that produce cultural, material situations.

Conclusions

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordynn Jack
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Popular Discourse ◽  
Autistic People ◽  
The Media

This concluding chapter argues that by developing and circulating new characters, rhetoric scholars can enact social and political change. By forwarding alternative characters—autistic people who are capable self-advocates, parents who are accepting of their children's differences—individuals can shift public perceptions and gain a voice in decision making. Those involved in other kinds of rights movements—such as women's rights or civil rights—have had to generate alternatives to the often stereotyped, demeaning characters used to limit their opportunities and to justify oppression. Autistic individuals involved in the neurodiversity movement similarly seek to gain fundamental rights, in part by contesting the stock characters of autistic people that circulate in the media and in popular discourse.

scholarly journals When the Personal Is Always Political: Norwegian Muslims’ Arguments for Women’s Rights

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 59-66
Author(s):  
Hannah Helseth
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Individual Autonomy ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
The Public ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Implicit And Explicit

For almost two decades, the public debate about Islam in Western Europe has been dominated by concerns about the lack of gender equality in the racialized Muslim population. There has been a tendency to victimize “the Muslim woman” rather than to encourage Muslim women’s participation in the public debate about their lives. This contribution to the study of discourses on Muslim women is an analysis of arguments written by Muslims about women’s rights. The data consists of 239 texts written by self-defined Muslims in major Norwegian newspapers about women’s rights. I will discuss two findings from the study. The first is an appeal to be personal when discussing issues of domestic violence and racism is combined with an implicit and explicit demand to represent all Muslims in order to get published in newspapers—which creates an ethno-religious threshold for participation in the public debate. The second finding is that, across different positions and different religious affiliations, from conservative to nearly secular, and across the timeline, from 2000 to 2012, there is a dominant understanding of women’s rights as individual autonomy. These findings will be discussed from different theoretical perspectives to explore how arguments for individual autonomy can both challenge and amplify neoliberal agendas.

scholarly journals Nolite te bastardes carborundorum. Podręczna w dyskursie medialnym o prawach kobiet

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 45-59
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Całek
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Social Responsibility ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Social Discourse ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Media ◽  
Privileged Class ◽  
Corporate Social ◽  
New Generation

Nolite te bastardes carborundorum. The handmaid in the media discourse about women’s rightsThe handmaid is the protagonist of a transmedia story begun with Margaret Atwood’s dystopian novel about Gilead, a regime in which women are deprived of their rights. The handmaids are a unique group — they are fertile, a rarity in a country plagued by infertility. The women, treated as objects, are allocated as surrogates to childless couples from the most privileged class. The image of the handmaid became popular thanks to a new generation television series produced for the Hulu platform, and subsequently begun to be used in the fight for women’s rights. In the first part of the article the author analyses the handmaids and their place in the dystopian narrative and in the second — the way in which they are used in the social discourse about women’s rights. In this the author focuses on performative campaigns, corporate social responsibility and links between the characters and the #metoo campaign.

scholarly journals The Illusion of Progress: Evaluating U.N. Women’s Rights Instruments

Perceptions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Christina Borst
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Gender Discrimination ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Cultural Patterns ◽  
Concerted Effort ◽  
Cultural Mores ◽  
The United Nations

Though the realm of international women’s rights has overcome significant challenges, scope is often restricted to gender discrimination violations that are de jure rather than de facto in nature. These advancements concerning the rights of women can, to an extent, be attributed to the proactiveness of the United Nations. This paper seeks to identify the instruments the U.N. has developed for the protection of the human rights of women and address their subsequent effectiveness. By examining developed instruments, cultural patterns, and historical examples, the U.N. has and continues to make a concerted effort toward ensuring de jure protections. Enforced by analysis of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, discrepancies between what the U.N. classifies as human rights and the human rights of women become apparent. Still, the de facto discrimination against women in states with contrasting governmental structures and cultural mores is not customarily accounted for by the United Nations. Questions remain in regards to whether or not the U.N. can or should be responsible for remedying the global variance in de facto discrimination against women. It is suggested that the United Nations shift its focus toward strict instrument enforcement.

Conscientization of Social Cryptomnesia Reduces Hostile Sexism and Rejection of Feminists

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Vernet ◽  
Jorge Vala ◽  
Ligia Amâncio ◽  
Fabrizio Butera
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Positive Attitude ◽  
Hostile Sexism ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Minority Influence ◽  
N 93 ◽  
Minority Participants ◽  
Feminist Movements

This paper develops a hypothesis concerning the conscientization of social cryptomnesia, claiming that it is possible to reduce the rejection of minorities by reminding the population that a certain value has been promoted by a certain minority. Participants (N = 93) first reported their attitudes toward women’s rights and feminist movements. They were then confronted with their higher appreciation of women’s rights over feminists (social cryptomnesia) and blamed for it (conscientization) in a more versus less threatening manner. Results indicated that conscientization can be effective not only in inducing a more positive attitude toward feminists, but also in decreasing hostile sexism when the threat is lower. Implications for minority influence research are discussed.

A Question of Personal Status

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelia Hyndman-Rizk
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Civil Marriage ◽  
Personal Status ◽  
Religious Sects ◽  
Marriage Reform

AbstractAmid an enduring political deadlock in Parliament, the first civil marriage contracted in Lebanon in 2013 received significant media coverage in a country where the personal status law of eighteen recognized religious sects governs marriage. This case study examines the debate on civil marriage reform and the implications for women’s rights in Lebanon. For advocates, the recognition of civil marriage legalizes interreligious marriages, strengthens secular citizenship, shifts the jurisdiction of marriage from religious to civil law, and ensures women’s rights. Opponents, meanwhile, fear the loss of religious autonomy, the transformation of self-identification in Lebanon from sect to nation, and the destabilization of the confessional system. To date, civil marriage reform has been incremental, given clerical and social opposition, but the winds of change are blowing as couples increasingly take matters into their own hands to reform Lebanon’s system of personal status from the ground up.

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