Claiming Equality: The African Union's Contestation of the Anti-Impunity Norm

Author(s):  
Yuna Han ◽  
Sophie T Rosenberg

Abstract By examining the African Union (AU)’s contestation of the International Criminal Court (ICC)’s cases against former or sitting Heads of State (HoS), this article analyzes how the AU's contestation of the anti-impunity norm varies in its normative significance, despite its unified focus on the issue of sovereign immunity. It presents a novel conceptualization of the norm, showing how it is comprised of three principles of equality: individual legal equality under international criminal law; sovereign state equality under international law; and equality of accountability in international criminal justice. Applying this analytical framework to the cases against Al Bashir, Kenyatta, and Gbagbo, the article argues that the norm inherently entails negotiation between divergent claims of equality. Highlighting how the balance between the equality principles results in different normative significance of sovereign immunity, the article shows how contestation of the anti-impunity norm should be seen as contestation among different meanings of the norm itself. Mediante la revisión de la contestación por parte de la Unión Africana (UA) de los casos contra ex jefes de estado o jefes de estado en ejercicio del Tribunal Penal Internacional (International Criminal Court, ICC), en este artículo se analiza cómo la contestación de la norma contra la impunidad por parte de la UA varía en cuanto a sus significados normativos, a pesar de su énfasis unificado en el problema de la inmunidad soberana. Presenta una conceptualización innovadora de la norma, que demuestra la forma en la que está compuesta por tres principios de igualdad: igualdad individual ante la ley, conforme al derecho penal internacional; igualdad soberana de los estados conforme al derecho internacional; e igualdad de responsabilidad en la justicia penal internacional. Mediante la aplicación de este marco analítico a los casos en contra de Al Bashir, Kenyatta y Gbagbo, en el artículo se sostiene que la norma supone intrínsecamente la negociación entre demandas divergentes de igualdad. En el artículo se muestra cómo la contestación de la norma contra la impunidad debería verse como la contestación en contra de diferentes significados de la norma propia destacando cómo el equilibrio entre los principios de igualdad dan como resultado distintos significados normativos de inmunidad soberana. Cet article étudie la contestation par l'Union africaine (UA) des poursuites engagées par la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) contre d'anciens chefs d’État ou des chefs d’État encore au pouvoir afin d'analyser la manière dont la signification normative de la contestation de la norme de lutte contre l'impunité de l'UA varie malgré l'accent unifié porté sur la question de l'immunité souveraine. Il présente une conceptualisation inédite de la norme en montrant qu'elle est composée de trois principes d’égalité: Égalité juridique individuelle en vertu du droit pénal international, Égalité des États souverains en vertu du droit international, et Égalité de responsabilité devant la justice pénale internationale. Cet article applique ce cadre analytique aux cas d'Al Bashir, de Kenyatta et de Gbagbo pour soutenir que la norme implique intrinsèquement une négociation entre des revendications d’égalité divergentes. Il souligne la façon dont l’équilibre entre les principes d’égalité entraîne une signification normative différente de l'immunité souveraine pour montrer en quoi la contestation de la norme de lutte contre l'impunité doit être considérée comme une contestation des différentes significations de la norme en elle-même.

Africa has been at the forefront of contemporary global efforts towards ensuring greater accountability for international crimes. But the continent’s early embrace of international criminal justice seems to be taking a new turn with the recent pushback from some African states claiming that the emerging system of international criminal law represents a new form of imperialism masquerading as international rule of law. This work analyses the relationship and tensions between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and Africa. It traces the origins of the confrontation between African governments, acting individually or within the framework of the African Union, and the permanent Hague-based ICC. Topics examined include Africa, the ICC, and universal jurisdiction; the controversial use of the prosecutor’s proprio motu power to initiate investigations in Africa; national implementation of the ICC statute in Africa; the complementarity principle; the sequencing of justice and peace; the question of immunity of sitting heads of state; the controversial role of the UN Security Council in referring and deferring situations under ICC investigation; the role of African domestic and traditional courts in the fight against impunity as well as the recent withdrawal of some African states parties from the ICC. Leading commentators offer valuable insights on the core legal and political issues that have bedevilled the relationship between the two sides and expose the uneasy interaction between international law and international politics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Chernor Jalloh

Abstract In these remarks, the author considers the most recent challenge to the application of international criminal justice in Africa: Kenya’s controversial November 2013 proposal to amend the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to temporarily exempt from prosecution sitting presidents accused of involvement with international crimes. He examines several legal and practical reasons why such a proposal is untenable. Instead, citing the principle of complementarity and urging the principled use of judicial and prosecutorial discretion, he contends that much of the African Union’s current concerns about the Kenya Situation can be addressed within the confines of existing Rome Law. This is important because, even if it is possible for African countries to secure amendments to the Rules of Procedure and Evidence, African States Parties are unlikely able to secure the global consensus required to effect substantive amendments to the 1998 treaty. On the other hand, the author suggests that the International Criminal Court officials, especially the judges and the chief prosecutor, can help bridge the apparent gap between the Court and its African supporters. Towards that end, they should consider taking a more flexible and more nuanced approach to their interpretations and application of several important provisions contained in their founding statute. Eschewing a one-size fits all approach, it is submitted that each African situation is unique – both in the scope of the problem, and in the solution required in the necessary fight against impunity in Africa.


Author(s):  
Fernanda García Pinto

Abstract The International Committee of the Red Cross and the International Criminal Court are two very different entities that simultaneously apply international humanitarian law but do so after their own perspectives. This article proposes a cautious yet critical approach to some of their divergent interpretations (conflict classification, the difference between direct and active participation in hostilities, intra-party sexual and gender-based violence, and the notion of attack) and examines how the broader legal system copes with these points of divergence. The analysis considers the institutional characteristics of these two organizations and the pluralistic nature of international humanitarian law as well as its dynamic rapport with international criminal law in order to highlight the versatility needed to face the challenges posed by contemporary armed conflicts.


Author(s):  
Tiyanjana Maluwa

The chapter discusses the concepts of shared values and value-based norms. It examines two areas of international law that provide illustrative examples of contestation of value-based norms: the fight against impunity under international criminal law and the debates about the responsibility to protect. It argues that the African Union’s (AU) difference of view with the International Criminal Court (ICC) over the indictment of Omar Al-Bashir is not a rejection of the non-impunity norm, but of the context and sequencing of its application. As regards the right of intervention codified in the Constitutive Act of the AU, Africans states responded to the failure of the Security Council to invoke its existing normative powers in the Rwanda situation by establishing a treaty-based norm of intervention, the first time that a regional international instrument had ever done so. Thus, in both cases one cannot speak of a decline of international law.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 245-250
Author(s):  
Bing Bing Jia

Legacy is a matter that may become topical when its creator finally stops producing. Normally, the silent years would be many before the thought of legacy enters into open, formal discourse among lawyers and decision-makers. This comment treats the meaning of the word as relative to the circumstances in which it is invoked. The more closely it is used in relation to the present, the more distant it drifts from its literal meaning, to the extent that it denotes what the word “impact” signifies. This essay questions whether the word “legacy” is apt in describing the footprint of the work of the two ad hoctribunals in China, where its influence has, as a matter of fact, been waning ever since the adoption of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court in 1998 (“Rome Statute” ). The Chinese example suggests that the work of the tribunals is (at least so far) no more significant to international criminal law than the illustrious Nuremberg and Tokyo Trials of the 1940s. The most major impact (a more apposite term than legacy) of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) for China may be that China’s policy with regard to the tribunals, manifested mostly in the United Nations, has determined its approach to the International Criminal Court (“ICC” ). For that, the work of the tribunals could be considered as having left China something in the nature of an indirect legacy.


Author(s):  
Schabas William A

This chapter comments on Article 27 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Article 27 consists two paragraphs that are often confounded but fulfil different functions. Paragraph 1 denies a defence of official capacity, i.e. official capacity as a Head of State or Government, a member of a Government or parliament, an elected representative or a government official shall not exempt a person from criminal responsibility under the Statute. Paragraph 2 amounts to a renunciation, by States Parties to the Rome Statute, of the immunity of their own Head of State to which they are entitled by virtue of customary international law. In contrast with paragraph 1, it is without precedent in international criminal law instruments.


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