Part 2 The Post-Cold War Era (1990–2000), 39 Intervention in Iraq’s Kurdish Region and the Creation of the No-Fly Zones in Northern and Southern Iraq—1991–2003

Author(s):  
Gazzini Tarcisio

This chapter discusses the main legal issues related to the military operations carried out by the United States, the United Kingdom and France for the protection of the Kurds in Northern Iraq as well as the Shiites and Marsh Arabs in Southern Iraq between the conclusion of the Gulf War (1990-91) and the 2003 military intervention in Iraq. Particular attention is paid to the legal effects of the relevant Security Council resolutions as well as the claim to intervene on humanitarian grounds.

Author(s):  
de Wet Erika

This contribution discusses the Gulf War of 1991-1991. It sets out the facts and context of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, followed by the adoption of United Nation Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) and the subsequent military reaction by the United States-led international coalition. It assesses the reaction of the main protagonists and that of the broader international community to these events. In doing so, it also assesses the legal basis of the military response by the international coalition of the ‘willing and able’ against Iraq. It determines whether it was based on Article 42 of the United Nations Charter, or collective self-defence in terms of Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. The final section examines if and to what extent this case has had an impact on (the legal basis) of military measures taken in the interest of collective security in the post-Cold War era.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-338
Author(s):  
Jin Woong Kang

This article examines the differentiated identities of North Koreans in South Korea and beyond in terms of transnational migration and contested nationhood. In the post-Cold War era, North Koreans in South Korea have been marginalised as a social minority, and comprise a subaltern group within South Korea, despite having South Korean citizenship. As a result, many North Korean refugees, including those who have already gained South Korean citizenship, have migrated to Western countries for a better life in terms of wealth and welfare. As active agents, they have pursued strategic lives in the host countries’ multicultural societies and Korean communities. Through complex transnational migration to South Korea and elsewhere, North Koreans have reformulated nationhood by contesting the idea of a “homogeneous nation” of Korea. This article focuses on how North Koreans have shaped their own Koreanness in the multicultural societies of the United States and the United Kingdom as well as in the hierarchical nationhood of South Korea. By doing so, it offers an alternative framework for looking at the multifarious identities of North Korean refugees globally.


2001 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
LOUISE FAWCETT

The capacity of the Kurds—a scattered, divided and stateless people—to make headline news never ceases to astonish. Perhaps most sensational were the extraordinary events early in 1999 which accompanied the seizure in Kenya and subsequent extradition to Turkey of Abdullah Ocalan, leader of the Kurdish Workers Party, with its now familiar acronym, the PKK. Ocalan's arrest, and his sentencing to death by a Turkish court in June 1999, are only the most recent in a series of Kurdish-related events that have captured the imagination of the international public. The post-Cold War period alone has witnessed the massacre, by chemical weapons, of Kurdish villagers in Iraq after the Iran–Iraq war (1980–88) and a failed Kurdish uprising and massive refugee crisis after the Gulf War (1991), to be followed by the creation of a Kurdish enclave in northern Iraq. In 1992, far away in Berlin, which saw some particularly ugly scenes at the time of Ocalan's capture, three Iranian Kurdish opposition leaders were murdered. So significant has been the Kurdish imprint on the contemporary International Relations agenda, that some have suggested that the Kurdish issue today can be likened in some respects to that of Palestine.


Africa ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 456-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald L. Donham

As I write, the United States and the United Kingdom have begun their invasion of Iraq. Thus, the most developed forms of violence are being brought into relationship with some of the world's most complexly layered local identitites—all on global television. The unpredictability of this situation points, I believe, to one of the more profound aspects of the post-Cold War order.


Author(s):  
Subho Basu

In the Cold War environment of the 1950s, Pakistan army sought an alliance with the United States and the United Kingdom while they searched for allies in the Middle East and South Asia. At the same time, the military-bureaucratic establishment of Pakistan denied a democratic constitutional regime in the country and slowly transformed East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, into an internal colony. In East Pakistan, the pro-democracy movement was headed by Awami League (AL), a board coalition of constitutional autonomist and radical socialists and communist. Within the AL, Maulana Bhashani, a radical cleric, and his left wigs followers read into the global politics of Cold War alignment between the Pakistan and the USA to be a critical hindrance toward the democratization of politely, but constitutional autonomists within AL remained committed toward the Cold War military alliance. This lead to a split in the AL Consequently, In the wake of Suez War, global politics impinged upon local political alignment as much as local political alignment informed and influenced global politics in Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Manjari Chatterjee Miller

What are rising powers? Do they challenge the international order? Why do some countries, but not others, become rising powers? Why Nations Rise answers these questions and shows that some countries rise not just because they develop the military and economic power to do so, but because they develop particular narratives about how to become a great power in the style of the great power du jour. These active rising powers accept the prevalent norms of the international order in order to become great powers. On the other hand, countries that have military and economic power but not these narratives do not rise enough to become great powers—they remain reticent powers. This book examines the narratives in historical (the United States, the Netherlands, Meiji Japan) and contemporary (Cold War Japan, post–Cold War China and India) cases to show patterns of active and reticent rising powers. It ends with lessons for how to understand two rising powers today, China and India.


Author(s):  
Wallace J. Thies

This book examines the conduct of American foreign policy during and after the Cold War through the lens of applied policy analysis. The book argues that the Bush Doctrine after 2002 was a theory of victory. The book contrasts prescriptions derived from the Bush Doctrine with an alternative theory of victory, one based on containment and deterrence, which US presidents employed for much of the Cold War period. There are, the book suggests, multiple reasons for believing that containment was working well against Saddam Hussein's Iraq after the first Gulf War and that there was no need to invade Iraq in 2003. The book reexamines five cases of containment drawn from the Cold War and the post-Cold War world. Each example, it suggests, offered US officials a choice between reliance on traditional notions of containment and reliance on a more forceful approach. To what extent did reliance on rival theories of victory — containment versus first strike — contribute to a successful outcome? Might these cases have been resolved more quickly, at lower cost, and more favorably to American interests if US officials had chosen a different mix of the coercive and deterrent tools available to them? The book suggests that the conventional wisdom about containment was often wrong: a superpower like the United States has such vast resources at its disposal that it could easily thwart Libya, Iraq, and Iran by means other than open war.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 456-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabrizio Coticchia ◽  
Valerio Vignoli

AbstractSince the end of the bipolar era, the military activism of several Western powers has raised questions about parliamentary control, fostering growing research and analyses on the features, drivers and consequences of the different kinds of oversight exercised by legislative assemblies. Within this scholarly debate, this article focuses on the under-studied case of Italy. How did Italian parties vote on military operations abroad in the post-Cold War era? In order to answer this question, the article presents the first detailed and comprehensive set of data on parliamentary votes over the deployment of the Italian armed forces in the post-Cold War era (i.e. from the beginning of the 1990s to the recent operation against ISIL). Thanks to this extensive new empirical material, the article assesses selected arguments developed by the literature on political parties and foreign policy, paving the way for further research.


2018 ◽  
pp. 103-115
Author(s):  
Iryna Maruschak

The article touches upon the participation of Great Britain in the Gulf war of 1990-1991. This war was one of the largest armed conflicts after the Second World War, in which Britain took part. The reaction of London to the actions of the regime of Saddam Hussein has been analyzed. The political and military aspects of the crisis development in Iraq have been outlined. The quick decision-making and activity of the UNO Council during the settlement of the Iraqi crisis have been unfolded. The UN has been adopting 12 resolutions per year in order to put an end to the occupation of Kuwait, to restore international peace and security in the region. The position and approach of the North Atlantic Alliance to resolving the Iraqi crisis has been researched. The importance of NATO diplomatic consultations and the rapid response to the crisis situation on the periphery of the Alliance territory, as well as the cooperation between Britain and its allies, first of all, the United States, have been revealed. The activities of the international coalition, mainly the NATO member states, where the leading place was represented by the British military, have been highlighted. Major military operations, such as Desert Shield, Desert Storm and Grunbi which liberated the Kuwaiti territory from the Iraqi forces have been analyzed.


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