Gender, Religion, Extremism

Author(s):  
Katherine E. Brown

This volume offers a feminist critique of counter- and deradicalization programs, including those under the umbrella of “preventing and countering violent extremism.” Based on insights from five countries and examples from elsewhere, the book shows how, collectively, efforts rely on particular narratives of agency, security, and human rights. Putting gender at the center of the analysis reveals significant limitations in antiradicalization work—in construction, operation, and evaluation. First, these programs fail to explore or engage with how masculinity and femininity inform the radicalization process. As a result, they cannot successfully understand the personal drivers or the sociopolitical environment of these programs. Second, within the operations of these programs male radicalization is clearly and unreflectively linked to an excessive but flawed masculinity, while ideas about women’s radicalization depend on orientalist stereotypes about passivity and subjugation. Solutions for male deradicalization therefore hinge on particular ideals of masculinity that few men can obtain, and deradicalizing women is seen as a rescue mission. Third, the impact of these programs derives from a racialized paternalist logic that justifies intervention in “ordinary lives” in the name of security, yet fails to deliver. There is a gendered differential in the impact of counter-radicalization measures. Although the rhetoric of countering terrorism is often couched in a narrative of “women’s rights” and “liberal values,” the book demonstrates that the consequences are often detrimental to these precepts. The book concludes by offering an alternative way of thinking about and implementing antiradicalization efforts, rooted in a feminist peace.

2020 ◽  
pp. 191-212
Author(s):  
Katherine E. Brown

This chapter summarizes the arguments of the book, reveals the consequences of these programs, and presents alternative policy options, offering three main criticisms. First, these programs fail to engage with how masculinity and femininity inform the radicalization process, and cannot understand personal drivers or the sociopolitical environment. Second, male radicalization is unreflectively linked to a flawed masculinity, and women’s radicalization depends on orientalist stereotypes about passivity and subjugation. Solutions hinge on particular ideals of masculinity that few men can obtain, while women are seen as a rescue mission. Third, a paternalist logic justifies intervention in ordinary lives in the name of security, yet fails to deliver. A gendered differential exists in the impact of counter-radicalization measures, and there are wider consequences. Individuals are denied agency, not given the option to critique for themselves the non-radical versions of agency and self being presented to them, engendering a limited form of loyalty to and security for the state.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 483-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zubeda Limbada ◽  
Lynn Davies

Foreign terrorist fighters raise security concerns with regard to their actions abroad but also their possible return to their home countries. This paper asks whether tough state responses and new powers such as detention and withdrawal of citizenship raise significant human rights issues. It looks firstly at the different types of rights in play before examining counter-terror legislation from countries such as uk, Australia and Canada. Discourses of the profiles of extremists can be reductionist, ignoring the complexity of the journeys in and out of violent extremism. Does imprisonment does have a deterrent effect? What is the impact on communities of rendering individuals stateless? How does legislation impact on freedom of speech? The paper looks at good practices in deradicalisation from different countries, before outlining three key propositions. First is a much wider public education forum which explains different types of rights and encourages dialogue about what rights take precedence in a security strategy. Second is the forging of long term partnerships with communities, to build trust rather than stigmatise; and third is a greater democratisation of security policy, using two-way information and learning, from sources such as former extremists as well as from the voices of youth.


Author(s):  
Gregg Erauw

SummaryThe internal conflict in Colombia has resulted in documented violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. In particular, Colombian women and their human rights have been disproportionately impacted by the conflict. It is within this context that the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CCFTA) is being proposed, and there is serious concern that Canadian investors could perpetuate the violence or become complicit beneficiaries of human rights violations in Colombia once the CCFTA is ratified. Against this background, this article takes a feminist approach to international investment law to demonstrate that international investment agreements (IIAs) and free trade agreements with investment provisions (FTAs), such as the CCFTA, maintain and reinforce gender hierarchy to the detriment of women’s socio-economic rights, needs, and interests. By engaging in a feminist critique of the CCFTA’s provisions on non-discrimination, performance, expropriation, corporate social responsibility, reservations, investor-state arbitration, and general exceptions, as well as the labour side agreement, the ramifications of international investment law on Colombian women’s rights and women’s rights generally becomes apparent. In order to remedy these shortcomings, recommendations are made to alleviate the potential strain of international investment law and the CCFTA specifically on women’s rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi E. Rademacher

Promoting the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was a key objective of the transnational women's movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Yet, few studies examine what factors contribute to ratification. The small body of literature on this topic comes from a world-society perspective, which suggests that CEDAW represented a global shift toward women's rights and that ratification increased as international NGOs proliferated. However, this framing fails to consider whether diffusion varies in a stratified world-system. I combine world-society and world-systems approaches, adding to the literature by examining the impact of women's and human rights transnational social movement organizations on CEDAW ratification at varied world-system positions. The findings illustrate the complex strengths and limitations of a global movement, with such organizations having a negative effect on ratification among core nations, a positive effect in the semiperiphery, and no effect among periphery nations. This suggests that the impact of mobilization was neither a universal application of global scripts nor simply representative of the broad domination of core nations, but a complex and diverse result of civil society actors embedded in a politically stratified world.


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