Socially, Not Legally, Undocumented

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-61
Author(s):  
Amy Reed-Sandoval

This chapter argues that there is a distinct social group called the “socially undocumented,” which is distinguishable—at least in certain respects—from the social group of legally undocumented people. Furthermore, it is argued that the socially undocumented are an oppressed social group. They are those who are presumed to be undocumented on the mere basis of their appearance, which often entails being taken to “look like” someone who is Mexico and working class, and subjected to demeaning immigration-related constraints on that basis. This chapter also argues that being oppressed as a socially undocumented person entails being subjected to injustice in the realm of immigration.

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-133
Author(s):  
Marzena Możdżyńska

Abstract In recent decades, we observe a significant disorganization of family life, especially in the sphere of parental functions performed by unprepared for the role emotional, socially and economically young people. Lack of education, difficulties in finding work, and the lack of prospects for positive change are the main causes of their impoverishment and progressive degradation in the social hierarchy. Reaching young people at risk of social exclusion and provide them with comprehensive care, should be a priority of modern social work and educational work. In order to provide help this social group and cope with the adverse event created a lot of programs to support systemically start in life. An example would be presented in the article KARnet 15+ program as a form of complex activities of a person stimulating subjectivity, and allows you to modify support in individual cases


2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-162
Author(s):  
Stefan Van den Bossche

Het menselijke tekort in het algemeen, het rampzalige van de oorlog, de sociale en  culturele aspecten van de Vlaamse beweging, het Vlaams kunstleven aan de IJzer, het activisme, het frontisme: al die geladen thema’s komen rechtstreeks of onrechtstreeks aan bod in de bijdrage van Stefan Van den Bossche over Jos Verdegem (1897-1957). Deze minder bekende Gentse schilder uit het interbellum kwam eerst in nauwe betrekking met de expressionistische dichter en journalist Wies Moens en met andere vooraanstaande Vlaamsgezinde kunstenaars. Verdegems (tijdelijk) verblijf in Parijs en zijn huwelijk met een Française leidde er uiteindelijk toe dat hij vervreemde van het Vlaamsgezinde milieu. Daarenboven droegen zijn hoekige karaktereigenschappen er toe bij dat hij “eerder berucht dan beroemd” werd.________"A quiet, ill-mannered working-class lad". Jos Verdegem (1897-1957), Wies Moens and "Ter Waarheid"This contribution by Stefan Van den Bossche about Jos Verdegem (1897-1957) deals directly or indirectly with a variety of very meaningful topics such as human failure in general, the calamity of war, the social and cultural aspects of the Flemish movement, Flemish art life on the IJzer, activism, and frontism.This lesser-known painter from Ghent from the Interbellum period first came in close contact with the expressionist poet and journalist Wies Moens and with other prominent Flemish nationalist artists. Verdegem's (temporary) stay in Paris and his marriage to a Frenchwoman caused his ultimate estrangement from the Flemish nationalist environment. Moreover, his awkward characteristics contributed to his becoming "infamous rather than famous".


2021 ◽  
pp. 146954052110160
Author(s):  
Tiziana Brenner Beauchamp Weber ◽  
Eliane C. Francisco Maffezzolli

This research identifies the relationship between consumption practices and the construction of social identity among tweens in a Brazilian context. Using consumer culture theory and social identity theory, we employed 80 h of observation, 9 interviews, and projective techniques with fifteen girls. Three social identity groups were acknowledged: naive, connected, and counselors. These groups revealed different identity projects, such as the integration and maintenance within the social group of current belonging, the access to the social group with the greater distinctions, the generation of differentiable and positive distinctions (both intra- and intergroups), and the expression and consolidation of identity and its respective consumption practices. This research contributes to the consumption literature that relates to consumer identity projects. The findings reveal a current resignification of girlhood and exposes tweens’ consumption practices as a direct mechanism of the expression and construction of their social identities. These are mechanisms of social identity construction as mediated by group relations through the processes of access, maintenance, integration, differentiation, and distinction.


1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 421-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Millicent E. Poole ◽  
T. W. Field

The Bernstein thesis of elaborated and restricted coding orientation in oral communication was explored at an Australian tertiary institute. A working-class/middle-class dichotomy was established on the basis of parental occupation and education, and differences in overall coding orientation were found to be associated with social class. This study differed from others in the area in that the social class groups were contrasted in the totality of their coding orientation on the elaborated/restricted continuum, rather than on discrete indices of linguistic coding.


2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-438
Author(s):  
Eszter Bartha

Abstract The article seeks to place the workers’ road from socialism to capitalism in East Germany and Hungary in a historical context. It offers an overview of the most important elements of the party’s policy towards labour in the two countries under the Honecker and the Kádár regime respectively. It examines the highly paternalistic role of the factory as a life-long employer and provider of workers’ needs for the large industrial working class which the regime considered to be its main social basis. Given that the thesis of the working class as the ruling class was central to the legitimating ideology of the state socialist regimes, dissident intellectuals challenging this thesis were effectively marginalized or forced into exile. After the change of regimes, the “working class” again became an ideological term associated with the discredited and fallen regime. The article analyses the changes within the life-world of East German and Hungarian workers in the light of life-history interviews. It argues that in Hungary, the social and material decline of the workers – alongside the loss of the symbolic capital of the working class – reinforced ethno-centric, nationalistic narratives, which juxtaposed “globalization” and “national capitalism”, the latter supposedly protecting citizens from the exploitation by global capital. In the light of the sad reports of falling standards of living and impoverishment, the Kádár regime received an ambiguous, often nostalgic evaluation. While the East Germans were also critical of the new, capitalist society (unemployment, intensified competition for jobs, the disintegration of the old, work-based communities), they gave more credit to the post-socialist democratic institutions. They were more willing to reconcile the old socialist values which they had appreciated in the GDR with a modern left-wing critique than their Hungarian counterparts, for whom nationalism seemed to offer the only means to express social criticism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 112-124
Author(s):  
A. A. Aldasheva ◽  
O. A. Pervacheva
Keyword(s):  

Soundings ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 79 (79) ◽  
pp. 78-93
Author(s):  
Tony Jefferson

This article addresses the Labour Party's apparent inability to capitalise on the ready availability of good, progressive ideas. It suggests the key is to be found in the idea that the Labour Party no longer represents working-class people, a disjunction that can be best understood using Gramsci's distinction between 'common sense' and 'good sense'. Good sense is a more coherent development of everyday, commonsense thinking, based on its 'healthy nucleus'. However, it must never lose contact with common sense and become abstract and disconnected from life. Using this distinction, a critique of the common-sense notion of meritocracy follows, since the educational disconnect between Labour politicians and their working-class supporters is one of its malign results. This critique builds from the evidence of working-class rejection of meritocracy - the healthy nucleus that recognises the inadequacy of its justifying principle of equality of opportunity. To this is counterposed a good-sense notion of equality - one that embraces equal access to the means for achieving a flourishing life. This notion of equality is then used to explore a number of currently circulating political ideas concerned with equality, both their relationship to common sense and their potential to meet good sense criteria. These ideas include universal basic income, the Conservatives' proposed 'levelling up' agenda, and the demands of Black Lives Matter for racial justice, including the demand to 'defund the police'. A second thread is focused on the relationship between these discourses of common or good sense and the social forces with which they can be connected.


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