Epilogue

2020 ◽  
pp. 199-206
Author(s):  
Anusha Kedhar

On March 29, 2017, the day after I left the UK on one of my last research trips to conduct fieldwork, Prime Minister Theresa May (2016–2019) triggered Article 50, which started the official two-year process for the UK to withdraw from the European Union (EU), more commonly known as Brexit (a portmanteau of “Britain” and “exit”)....

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
FLORIAN SCHEDING

In 2013, trucks and vans were driving across London, bearing the message ‘In the UK illegally? Go home or face arrest.’ These mobile billboards declared the number of arrests that had taken place ‘in your area’ in the previous week and provided a number to which people could text the message ‘HOME’ to initiate voluntary repatriation. In 2016, Theresa May, who had organised this scheme as home secretary, became prime minister, following the upheaval caused by the country's plebiscite to leave the European Union. One of the main strands of argument of the successful ‘Brexit’ campaign centred on the ‘deep public anxiety . . . about uncontrolled immigration’ and promised to reduce numbers of immigrants to the country. This desire to control the nation's borders continued to dominate the official soundscape of Britain's government. At the 2016 annual Tory conference, May endeavoured to draw clear lines on issues of belonging, territory, citizenship, and the fuzzy notion of British values, discursively excluding not only migrants, but also anyone with an international(ist) outlook from the national debate: ‘If you believe you are a citizen of the world’, she posited, ‘you are a citizen of nowhere.’


Author(s):  
Nicholas Allen

This chapter charts the story of the Conservatives in government between 2015 and 2017. It examines why David Cameron called a referendum on Britain’s membership of the European Union, why Theresa May succeeded him as prime minister, and why May decided to call a snap election in the spring of 2017. It locates these decisions against deep and bitter divisions within the Conservative party over the issue of EU membership, and further examines the broader record of the Conservatives in government. Above all, it seeks to explain how both prime ministers both came to gamble their fortunes on the electorate – and lose.


Author(s):  
Federico Fabbrini

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Withdrawal Agreement of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU). The Withdrawal Agreement, adopted on the basis of Article 50 Treaty on European Union (TEU), spells out the terms and conditions of the UK departure from the EU, including ground-breaking solutions to deal with the thorniest issues which emerged in the context of the withdrawal negotiations. Admittedly, the Withdrawal Agreement is only a part of the Brexit deal. The Agreement, in fact, is accompanied by a connected political declaration, which outlines the framework of future EU–UK relations. The chapter then offers a chronological summary of the process that led to the adoption of the Withdrawal Agreement, describing the crucial stages in the Brexit process — from the negotiations to the conclusion of a draft agreement and its rejection, to the extension and the participation of the UK to European Parliament (EP) elections, to the change of UK government and the ensuing constitutional crisis, to the new negotiations with the conclusion of a revised agreement, new extension, and new UK elections eventually leading to the departure of the UK from the EU.


Author(s):  
Sandra Marco Colino

This chapter focuses on the current interaction between European Union and UK law. EU law is currently a source of UK law. However, the relationship between the two regimes is expected to change in the future as a consequence of the UK’s decision to withdraw from the EU. The European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 stipulates that the European Communities Act 1972 will be ‘repealed on exit day’, which would be 29 March 2019 provided that the two-year period since Article 50 TEU was triggered is not extended. Once the European Communities Act 1972 has been repealed, EU law will cease to be a source of UK law. No major immediate changes to the national competition legislation are to be expected, but future reforms could distance the UK system from the EU rules.


2020 ◽  
pp. 096977642096563
Author(s):  
Ray Hudson

Following the confirmation by the UK Parliament that the UK would leave the European Union on 1 January 2021, this article analyses the likely impact of BREXIT on socio-spatial inequalities in the UK. It argues that inequalities will be further amplified, in contrast to Prime Minister Johnson’s claims that inequalities will be ‘levelled up’, drawing on the historical trajectory of capitalist development in the UK, the policy priorities of the UK state and theories of uneven and combined development


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-346
Author(s):  
David Mangan*

2020 had been marked as a significant year for the UK with its departure from the European Union. The coronavirus pandemic quickly became the most important issue facing the Government under a third Prime Minister since the 2016 referendum. From the start, problems have dogged this Government in meeting the monumental challenges posed by Covid-19. The UK approached the work implications of this pandemic in some distinct ways, as compared to European Union Member States. This piece is longer than other country reports in this volume as a result of critically engaging with these differences.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 20170097 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scheherazade S. Rehman ◽  
Pompeo Della Posta

On June 23, 2016, the UK decided to leave the European Union (EU), commonly known as “Brexit”. The UK has two years to conclude their new arrangement with the EU27 after evoking Article 50 Treaty of Lisbon officially, which it did on March 27, 2017. While there is a range of possible trade agreements most are unlikely as they would either imply repudiating firm EU legal principles or strong promises that the current UK government is committed to maintain. The article discusses these options. Moreover, the article focuses on the trade and investment flows between the UK and EU27 and discusses the possible short-term implications of Brexit with a specific attention to the most impacted sector, that of financial services.


Author(s):  
Gino Naldi ◽  
Konstantinos Magliveras

Following the 2016 referendum, the UK notified its intention to withdraw from the European Union pursuant to Article 50 TEU. Given the political and legal consequences of a much-questioned referendum and the strong opinion of many parts of British society that the UK’s membership should not be terminated, the question arose whether such a notification could be revoked unilaterally. In the absence of any mention in Article 50, expert opinion was divided. International law – that is, the law of treaties and the law of international organizations – does not appear to provide a definite answer, while state practice is rather scarce. The constituent instruments of international and regional organizations containing withdrawal clauses are also silent, except for African organizations and development/investment organizations, which invariably allow Member States to rescind withdrawal notices. As regards the EU Treaties, before the Lisbon Treaty they did not contain a withdrawal clause. In the preliminary ruling given in Wightman v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, which concerned whether an EU Member has the sovereign power under Article 50 to revoke unilaterally a withdrawal notice, the Court of Justice helped to clarify a critical question of EU Law but also of international law.


Author(s):  
Naib Alakbarov ◽  
Utku Utkulu

On June 23, 2016, a referendum took place in the UK with 51.89% of voters voting in favor of the UK's exit from the EU. On March 29, 2017, British Prime Minister Theresa May formally notified the European Council of the intention of the UK to leave the EU in accordance with Article 50 of the EU Treaty. With this declaration of withdrawal, a period of two years contractually stipulated under Article 50 of the EU Treaty for the UK and the other EU-27 states has begun to negotiate an agreement on the details of withdrawal. But it was clear the negotiation process would be difficult because it is expected the UK leaving the EU will have negative effects on both. The postponement of the period of Brexit, which should have been officially realized on March 29, 2019, indicates that both parties want to avoid the unintentional Brexit. This chapter details the Brexit process. The possible effects of Brexit on both sides are investigated and different expectations of the parties from the Brexit process are explained.


Author(s):  
Catherine Barnard ◽  
Emilija Leinarte

This chapter addresses the provisions of the Withdrawal Agreement dealing with the protection of citizens’ rights. It explains the scope of application and the content of the rights afforded to EU citizens in the UK and UK citizens in the EU after Brexit. The chapter also looks at the enforcement of citizens’ rights, both in the EU and the UK. While the rights of EU citizens already in the UK, and rights of UK citizens in the EU, are fairly generously protected under the WA, the mechanism for enforcement of such rights raises questions of effectiveness. Moreover, the special jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) concerning Part Two of the Withdrawal Agreement, while a logical outcome from the perspective of EU constitutional law, will disappoint those who supported the UK government’s insistence that ending the jurisdiction of the CJEU was one of the UK’s red lines during the Article 50 TEU negotiations.


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