The Compassion of Shared Spectatorship

Author(s):  
Celine Parreñas Shimizu

Through his filming of bodies in poverty and squalor, Brillante Mendoza prevents the traditional consumption of the third world as enjoyable, entertaining, and educational, and instead enables a multisensorial immersion in a bewildering pandemonium that remains tense and uncomfortable. In this, the filmmaker questions the basis of identification: they suffer like me is replaced by they suffer unlike me. Yet the films demand a feeling, what I call shared spectatorship, for it is a mode of identification predicated not on pleasure but on difference as the necessary condition for us to mark our own positions outside that suffering. We are not inside the shoes or the soul of the other, rather the movie shows us our distance through representations of proximity that emphasize difference. His films butcher the spectator because people are rampantly butchered in the Philippines—as a fact and not a fantasy that his films concoct.

1984 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 362-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terrance G. Carroll

Extensive secularization is frequently held to be a necessary condition for political modernity. The author argues that the relationship between religion and the modern state is considerably more complex than this general proposition suggests. It is necessary to specify particular ideological models of the modern state, since these differ significantly from one another; and it is necessary to specify particular religions in their contemporary manifestations, since these also differ in important ways. A detailed analysis of this type suggests that there is no general incompatibility between the main religions of the third world and widely shared, nonideological features of political modernity. Specific religions are shown to be incompatible with some specific forms of the modern state, while presenting no significant obstacle to other models of political modernity.


1979 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 256-272
Author(s):  
Kenneth W. Thompson

I propose to examine the relationship of American democracy to the Third World along two planes of reality, one briefly sketched in outline and miniature, the other drawn with greater elaboration and substance. The brief sketch sums up all that follows; it draws on America's great leader, Abraham Lincoln, who prophetically defined the issues that faced both the young American republic and today's fledgling nations by asking the question:Must a government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?


Author(s):  
H. C. F. Mansilla

ResumenBasado en elementos de la filosofía clásica, el common sense británico y la Escuela de Frankfurt, el autor postula un sentido común guiado críticamente, que serviría para evaluar las tendencias históricas y los modelos de modernización en el Tercer Mundo. Evitando extremos, este teorema rechazaría tanto las pretensiones de verdad de muchos enfoques racionalistas como el relativismo epistemológico y ético. La existencia de leyes y etapas obligatorias de la historia es uno de esos extremos; otro es la opción teórica que afirma que los modelos culturales son incomparables e inconmensurables entre sí. La existencia de un solo paradigma normativo-positivo de desarrollo es insostenible, pero igualmente la posición que decreta la diversidad e incomparabilidad totales de los regímenes civilizatorios. Es conveniente adoptar una línea intermedia entre universalismo y particularismo y alcanzar una síntesis fructífera de ambos.Palabras claveEscuela de Frankfurt, Habermas, Kant, particularismo, sentido común, universalismoAbstractBased on elements of classical philosophy, the British common sense and the Frankfurt School, the author proposes a critically guided common sense, which could be used to evaluate historical tendencies and specially the modernization efforts in the Third World. Avoiding extremes, this theorem rejects the pretensions of truth of rationalist theories and also the epistemic and ethic relativism. The existence of obligatory laws and periods of historical development is one of these extremes; the other one is the position which states that cultural models are incomparable and immeasurable. It is reasonable, for instance, to take a middle way between universalism and particularism and also to reach a fruitful synthesis between both currents.KeywordsCommon sense, Frankfurt School, Habermas, Kant, particularism, universalism


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samir REMLI ◽  
Djouama MOHAMED ◽  
Benselhoub AISSA ◽  
Rachid KHEBBAB ◽  
Nacereddine FELLOUH

The consumption of electric energy in open pit mines or quarries maybe can achieve the consumption of all inhabitants of a city which it is according to their size and production of ore. in the other hand, View that the demand crescent of energy electric in the world, the limits of energetic resources in the third world, the increase of prizes operation and the maintenance of classic energy, the environmental consequences of classic energy and the benefic for using the autonomy system for production of electricity incites for searching the other sources responds the demands, To do this, we propose in this work a system equipped by generator for the creation of electrical energy resulting from the traffic of trucks in open pit mines whom situated in mountainous reliefs as knows a new kind of gravitricity.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stan Draenos

Andreas Papandreou’s exile politics, following his December 1967 release from Averoff Prison, have stereotypically been seen as simply adopting the neo-Marxist ideologies associated with the Third World national liberation movements of the era. In narrating the initial evolution of his views on the “Greek Question” in exile, this study attempts to surface the underlying dynamics responsible for radicalizing his politics in that direction. Those dynamics reflect, on the one hand, the relentless will-to-action informing Papandreou’s political persona and, on the other, the political upheavals, headlined by the protest movement against the US war in Vietnam, in which his politics were enmeshed.


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (4I) ◽  
pp. 551-578
Author(s):  
William C. Thlesenhusen

In the short term one can be pessimistic about the collective progress of the Third World and its interactions with industrial countries. There is plenty of bad news. With one-quarter of the world's population, industrialized countries consume about 80 percent of the world's goods. With three-quarters of the world's population, developing countries command less than one-quarter of the world's resources. And the imbalance is growing worse.! Of the 2.7 billion people in the tropical and subtropical regions outside of China, 40 percent live in poverty; more than 14 million of their children under 5 years of age starve to death or die of disease each year? Furthermore, at the same time as an increasing proportion of the population of Africa is composed of young people (65 percent of its population is now under age 25), education budgets are being cut - from $ 10.8 billion in 1980 to $ 5.8 billion in 1986.3 In an article assessing the globalization of economies, Richard J. Barnet writes: "Poverty, population pressures, civil war, and repression are turning Sub-Saharan Africa - black Africa minus South Africa and Namibia - into a giant disaster zone, and in countries in South America, such as Colombia and Peru, the civil society is dissolving. In the Philippines more than seventy percent of the population is poor by any human standard. With the end of the Cold War, the increasing marginalization of the Third World appears likely."4 The predictions are ominous. Barnet concludes his article, written before the crisis in Iraq, by speaking to an industrial-country audience: "There is no real north-south dialogue, and politicians in the industrial world feel little pressure to begin one.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prabhakar Singh

AbstractToday’s mainstream international law scholarship (MILS) is concerned primarily with the issue of its scientificity. This brings us to the larger epistemological questions of linear modernity, narratives of circular progress, role of colonisation and rejection of pre-science. International law is not a self-contained regime as it draws insights from all the other disciplines that were born after the Enlightenment. This article makes a psychological investigation using Nandy’s psycho-political framework under the third world approaches to international law (TWAIL). It also sees, as a case in point, the invasion of modernity via late capitalism into tribal life as modernity’s apology for the “third” disenchantment. International Law’s evolutionary scientificity, therefore, has been examined through psychology and mythology in the post-colonial world.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 168-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gyan Prakash

The problem with Prakash, O'Hanlon and Washbrook conclude, is that he tries to ride two horses at once—one Marxist, the other poststructuralist deconstructionist. ‘But one of these may not be a horse that brooks inconstant riders. …’ So, they say we must choose only one to ride on, not both because the two, in their view, have opposing trajectories. One advances historical understanding and progressive change, the other denies history and perpetuates a retrogressive status quo. Posed in this manner, the choices involve more than a dispute over which paradigm provides a better understanding of the histories of the third world and India. At stake is the writing of history as political practice, and the only safe bet, from their point of view, is Marxism (of their kind), not the endless deferral and nihilism of deconstruction and postmodernism. Having set up this opposition, O'Hanlon and Washbrook's either/or logic has no place for the productive tension that the combination of Marxist and deconstructive approaches generates. They are uncomfortable with those recent writings that employ Marxist categories to analyze patterns of inequalities and exploitation while also using deconstructive approaches to contend that Marxism is part of the history that institutionalized capitalist dominance—approaches which argue that although Marxism can rightfully claim that it historicizes the emergence of capitalism as a world force, it cannot disavow its history as a nineteenth-century European discourse that universalized the mode-of-production narrative.


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