The Response to Violence against Women in Liberia

Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie

Chapter 4 covers how the government and women’s organizations in Liberia responded to violence against women. It explains that prior to the conflict, violence against women was largely absent from the agenda of governments and women’s organizations, despite their involvement in international advocacy around this issue. Both domestic and international pressure on governments was low during this period and specialized mechanisms to address VAW were non-existent in the criminal justice sector. The chapter describes how the 14-year conflict changed this and generated strong international and domestic pressures on post-conflict governments to strengthen the criminal justice sector response to violence against women, particularly sexual violence, and to establish specialized criminal justice sector mechanisms.

AL-HUKAMA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 292-319
Author(s):  
Nurul Asiya Nadhifah

This article is the result of the research on the role of the women's organizations in Sidoarjo in responding to violence against women and children in Sidoarjo. The women's organizations in Sidoarjo referred to in this study are Fatayat of NU Branch Sidoarjo, Muslimat of NU Branch Sidoarjo, Regional Administrators Aisyiyah of Sidoarjo, Student Association of Nahhdlatul Ulama (IPPNU) Branch of Sidoarjo and Nasyi'atul Aisyiyah of Sidoarjo. Domestic violence is any act against a person, especially women, which results in physical, sexual, psychological misery or suffering resulting from neglect of the household, including threats to do illegal acts of deprivation or deprivation of liberty within the household. The results of the study concluded that Fatayat of NU, Muslimat, Aisyiyah, Nasyi'atul Aisyiyah and IPPNU had an important role in participating and handling cases of violence against women and children that occurred in Sidoarjo. They realize that women's organizations must respond to community development and needs. They participated with the government in dealing with victims of violence against women and children in Sidoarjo. The handling of cases of violence against women and children is not only in legal protection, but trauma healing assistance to victims is also done so that victims can return to their activities as before the violence occurred.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Heni Widiyani ◽  
Ayu Efritadewi ◽  
Elfa Oprasmani ◽  
Marisa Elsera ◽  
Muhammad Jova Febrianto

AbstrakSaat ini banyak sekali terjadi kasus korupsi di pemerintahan maupun sektor swasta dilakukan oleh para lelaki yang sudah memiliki istri dan anak.Dengan adanya penyuluhan ini, diharapkan wanita khususnya anggota BKOW bisa menjadi pelopor dirumah tangga untuk membentuk keluarga anti korupsi baik kepada anak dan suami. Kegiatan pengabdian ini dilakukan dengan 4 metode yakni: ceramah, dialog, bedah kasus, dan best practice. Hasil dari kegiatan ini, peserta menjadi antusias, yang terlihat dari banyaknya pertanyan yang diajukan serta terbentuknya komunikasi yang baik. Pengabdian ini perlu dilanjutkan kembali, di organisasi-organisasi wanita lainnya agar penyampaian ini  mencakup banyak wanita aktif di kepulauan Riau.Kata Kunci: Penyuluhan Hukum, Korupsi, Organisasi Wanita.AbstractNowadays there are many cases of corruption in the government and private sector carried out by men who already have wives and children. With this counseling, it is hoped that women, especially BKOW members, can be pioneers in the household to form an anti-corruption family for both children and husbands. This devotional activity is carried out with 4 methods namely: lectures, dialogue, case surgery, and best practice. As a result of this activity, participants became enthusiastic, which was evident from the many questions raised as well as the formation of good communication. This service needs to be resumed, in other women's organizations in order for this delivery to include many active women in Riau islands.Keywords: Legal Counseling, Corruption, Women's Organizations.


Author(s):  
Marie Saiget

The history of women is characterized by nonlinear and gendered social, political and economic processes. In particular, the history of Burundian women’s collective actions has been embedded in the contested and violent trajectory of the Burundian state. Burundian women’s collective actions refer to a broad range of interactions: from protest, and social mobilizations to institutionalized actions. These interactions have been shaped by both global and local social structures, and by complex conflictive and cooperative relations between the Burundian state, political parties, women’s organizations and movements, and external actors (colonial powers, international organizations, non-governmental organizations). Women’s experiences in Burundi’s pre-colonial patriarchal society are little known, with the exception of the glorified Queen-mothers. German and Belgian colonial policies (1886–1962) reinforced and rigidified pre-colonial social constructions of ethnic and gendered social identities and roles, assigning ordinary women to the domestic sphere and sanctioning their social inferior status along with ethnic lines (Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa). After Burundi’s independence, the one-party military regime organized and supervised the first forms of women’s political participation through the Union des femmes burundaises (1962–1980s). The democratic transition of the early 1990s led to the creation of autonomous women’s organizations and networks, which were extended during the civil war (1993–2005). Burundian women actively contributed to national and grassroots peace processes. In particular, a delegation of seven Burundian women participated in the negotiations held in Arusha (1998–2000), with observer status. Post-conflict struggles for women’s rights posed the central issue of women’s political representation, with the adoption of gender quotas from 2005, but left aside other issues after 2010, such as women’s right to inherit land. In Spring 2015, Burundian women were present in protests against the president’s third mandate; with the women’s march being the first to reach the city center in March 2015. Women’s organizations kept mobilizing towards women’s rights after the electoral crisis, in exile or within Burundi, though facing important financial constraints and political repression.


Author(s):  
Richa Sharma ◽  
Susan Bazilli

The brutal gang rape of a physiotherapy student in India in December 2012 drew the world’s attention to the problem of sexual violence against women in the country.  Protests and mass public reaction towards the case pressurized the government to respond to the crisis by changing the laws on sexual violence. However, these new laws have not led to a decrease in VAW. Is this the result of the failure of the rule of law? Or does it highlight the limitations of law in absence of social change? This paper addresses the need for using law as a key tool in addressing violence against women in India.  It recognizes that unless we address the structural and root causes of violence against women, our analysis will be limited. It is important to bridge the creation of new laws, with an analysis that speaks to the role of hypermasculinity, neoliberalism and culture in VAW. If unaddressed, what may result instead are quick fixes, symbolized by passing laws that act as token gestures, rather than leading to transformative action.


Author(s):  
Jana Kujundžić

This paper will focus on sexual violence and new forms of religious traditionalism emerging in the Croatian political context and their engagement with the term gender. Critical Discourse Analysis as a methodological framework will be used to investigate the debates surrounding the ratification of the Istanbul Convention (Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence) in 2018 in Croatia. Religious conservative organisations started to frequently utilize the term “gender ideology” to created fear, confusion and moral panic in the public discourse in connection to the ratification. According to their interpretations, “gender ideology” in the Istanbul convention was smuggled in to destroy the traditional Croatian Catholic heterosexual family by enabling children to choose their own gender. Croatia has undergone significant changes since the dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s dismissing its socialist legacy with the support of the Catholic Church and its staunch anti-communist rhetoric which seeks to undo any progress in terms of gender equality achieved during socialism. Researching sexual violence from the intersectional feminist framework poses a challenge in a climate where the conservative discourse has highjacked any discussion of sexual violence in the public sphere by contesting the term gender itself and making it a questioned category of social analysis. Even though Croatia has ratified the Istanbul Convention in April 2018, the government has issued alongside an “interpretative statement” further legitimizing the term “gender ideology.”


Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie

This chapter covers the state’s, the women’s movement’s, and international actors’ responses to rape and domestic violence before, during, and after the Ivoirian conflict. It explains that unlike Liberia, there was some government and civil society attention to violence against women before the outbreak of armed conflict in 2002. Pressure from the UN and other international actors also contributed to the introduction of initiatives within the security sector to address violence against women during the conflict, including a specialized mechanism within the police force. The chapter explains how the UN’s attention to sexual violence during the Ivoirian conflict increased after the second civil war and generated pressure on the government to create the gender desks.


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