How Government is Addressing Sexual Violence and Abuse: Speech by Vernon Coaker, Home Office Minister on How the Government is Addressing Sexual Violence to the London Criminal Justice Board in February 2008

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon Coaker
Author(s):  
David Downes

The problems posed by the time-lag of a Thatcherite response to crime are well conveyed by Farrall and Jennings. Neo-liberal policies fuelled, and neo-conservative rhetoric narrowed the blame for steadily, then steeply, rising crime rates throughout the 1980s. But actual criminal justice policies were on balance a liberal-minded pursuit of community rather than penal measures by Home Secretaries, especially Douglas Hurd, who were left alone to ‘get on with it’. More emphasis is needed on the extent to which Labour’s disarray allowed the breathing space for decarcerationist policies to be developed by Home Office custodians of a liberal approach, along with Labour berating the government, not for being ‘soft on crime’, but for not pursuing penal moderation more vigorously. Following Labour’s fourth successive electoral defeat, in 1992, the Thatcherite U-turn towards more punitive policies was, if anything, sparked by Tony Blair’s Clintonesque rebranding of ‘New’ Labour as ‘tough on crime’.


2021 ◽  
pp. 719-741
Author(s):  
Steve Case ◽  
Phil Johnson ◽  
David Manlow ◽  
Roger Smith ◽  
Kate Williams

This chapter explores the criminal justice institutions. In practice, the criminal justice system contains five distinct institutions that are responsible for delivering justice: the police, the Crown Prosecution Service (known as the CPS), the courts, probation providers, and prisons. Although they are all part of one overall system, each has different aims, roles, and challenges. Theoretically, the fact that these bodies are all accountable to the separation of powers concept should bring some unity in that it gives Parliament, the independent judiciary, and central government opportunities to shape the system to align with their version of justice. The government can exert considerable influence through the work of the Ministry of Justice or MoJ. The MoJ is currently the most important governmental agency in the criminal justice system, but the larger and more powerful Home Office is also involved to an extent, mainly with the police.


Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie

Chapter 4 covers how the government and women’s organizations in Liberia responded to violence against women. It explains that prior to the conflict, violence against women was largely absent from the agenda of governments and women’s organizations, despite their involvement in international advocacy around this issue. Both domestic and international pressure on governments was low during this period and specialized mechanisms to address VAW were non-existent in the criminal justice sector. The chapter describes how the 14-year conflict changed this and generated strong international and domestic pressures on post-conflict governments to strengthen the criminal justice sector response to violence against women, particularly sexual violence, and to establish specialized criminal justice sector mechanisms.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Fitzpatrick

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to expose the failure of the criminal justice system of England and Wales to provide an effective response to widespread fraud and to point to sources from which a new doctrine may be created. The author’s approach draws on public sources, in particular, recent Home Office publications, the work of the House of Commons Home Affairs Committee and studies undertaken by the Mayor of London’s offices in 2014/2015. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses a critical assessment of the criminal justice system based on the author’s own experience as a fraud prosecutor. Findings Among the findings is that, while the failings of the current system have been apparent for some years, the extent and depth of the same failings have not been publicly realised, nor sufficiently acknowledged by the authorities. It has become obvious that the traditional response of the criminal justice system, when employed against fraud, will fail for want of anything corresponding to the resources required. A new doctrine will emerge as the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002 is revised and more flexibly employed. The Criminal Finances Bill also holds much promise, in particular, with its new offences akin to money laundering and the provision of powers of investigation at a significantly lower level of command among investigators. However, there remains an apparent reluctance in law enforcement to explain its methodology or to support reform, which would allow a fuller sharing of intelligence and appreciations of threats posed by fraud derived from intelligence with the financial services sector and the victim public. Originality/value The value of the paper is derived from the author’s long experience as a fraud prosecutor and as an adviser to the government, on fraud and organised crime, in a closely related jurisdiction with similar problems, but where greater success has been achieved, namely, Hong Kong.


2021 ◽  
pp. 73-91
Author(s):  
Martin Partington

This chapter considers the principal government departments that shape the English legal system. Over the years, the Government has become increasingly involved in the English legal system. The leading department is the Ministry of Justice, which is responsible for running and developing the courts and tribunals system. The chapter provides an overview of its functions. It also considers the Judicial Office, the Judicial College, and the Law Commission. The Home Office is responsible for many aspects of criminal justice policy. Mention is also made of the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, and other central government departments whose work impacts on the legal system.


Author(s):  
Thomas C. Guiney

The chapter examines the legislative planning process that gradually refined the early release framework eventually given legal effect by Part Two of the Criminal Justice Act 1991. The chapter begins with a review of the post-election planning process that gathered pace following the 1987 General Election. It examines the Home Office strategic awayday held at Leeds Castle in September 1987 and goes on to consider the Green Paper, Punishment, Custody and the Community and an unprecedented conference at Ditchley Park which brought together senior decision-makers from across the criminal justice system. The chapter then examines the passage of the Criminal Justice Bill 1990/91 and reflects upon the dramatic backlash against the new parole system in the mid-1990s. The chapter concludes with a critical appraisal of the underlying tensions that defined the development of criminal justice during this transitional period.


Author(s):  
Thomas C. Guiney

The chapter explores the ever more complex policy debates that surrounded the efforts to extend a system of early release to short sentence prisoners. It begins with an overview of the main candidates for reform and the strengths and weaknesses of these policy options. It explores the Home Office Review of Parole in England and Wales and considers why these recommendations were so quickly abandoned in the face of political and judicial pressure. It then goes on to examine the passage of the Criminal Justice Act 1982, a significant piece of legislation which resulted in wide-ranging reform of parole in England and Wales. The chapter concludes with a number of reflections upon the policy inertia of the early 1980s and what that reveals about the changing aims and techniques of criminal justice at this time.


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