Truth in Lending? Consumer Credit and Social Policy after Crowther

Author(s):  
Stuart Aveyard ◽  
Paul Corthorn ◽  
Sean O’Connell

Chapter 7 addresses consumer protection issues from the 1970s onwards. It discusses the increasingly complex connections between mortgage and consumer credit, particularly in terms of second mortgages. It discusses the consumer credit protection put in place by the Consumer Credit Act. It explains how important decisions taken at that point increased further the UK’s diverse and liberalized consumer credit markets and enabled the survival (and growth) of forms of sub-prime credit that died elsewhere in Europe. The chapter also addresses issues around credit discrimination on the grounds of race and gender. It probes the reaction of consumer groups to the backlash to consumerism and the liberalization of personal finance markets under the Thatcher regime. The chapter also breaks new ground in exploring the impact of Europe, with an exploration of the hostile response that emerged when the European Parliament’s Consumer Directive threatened to curtail the UK’s consumer credit markets.

2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
MAKOTO KONO

In Japan the ideology of familism has reproduced patriarchal family values. It successfully retained family centred welfare provision and gender inequality in informal care work, and ensured formal care services were residual. However, the advancement of modernisation has weakened the effectiveness of the informal care sector, and the demand for care has increased steadily along with the ageing of the population. Moreover, informal care based on the self-sacrifice of family carers tends to be less popular. This tendency is especially evident in the opinions of the younger generation and females. Furthermore, structural shifts in their working circumstances, particularly of females, makes the continuation of the patriarchal approach to informal care more difficult. In the field of the care of older people, as part of the strategy for restructuring the Japanese welfare system, the emphasis is now more on market activities, which is in accord with the assumptions underlying ‘the residual welfare model of social policy’ (Titmuss, 1974).


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-76
Author(s):  
Donald N. Anderson

Abstract Critics of digitally mediated labour platforms (often called the “sharing” or “gig economy”) have focused on the character and extent of the control exerted by these platforms over both workers and customers, and in particular on the precarizing impact on the workers on whose labor the services depend. Less attention has been paid to the specifically spatial character of the forms of work targeted by mobile digital platforms. The production and maintenance of urban social space has always been dependent, to a large degree, on work that involves the crossing of spatial boundaries - particularly between public and private spaces, but also crossing spaces segregated by class, race, and gender. Delivery workers, cabdrivers, day labourers, home care providers, and similar boundary-crossers all perform spatial work: the work of moving between and connecting spaces physically, experientially, and through representation. Spatial work contributes to the production and reproduction of social space; it is also productive of three specific, though interrelated, products: physical movement from one place to another; the experience of this movement; and the articulation of these places, experiences, and movements with visions of society and of the social. Significantly, it is precisely such spatial work, and its products, which mobile digital platforms seek most urgently to transform. Drawing on several recent studies of “ridesharing” (or soft cab) labour platforms, I interrogate the impact of digital mediation on the actual practices involved in spatial work. I argue that the roll-out of digital labour platforms needs to be understood in terms of a struggle over the production of social space.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009102602110565
Author(s):  
Greg Lewis ◽  
Jonathan Boyd ◽  
Rahul Pathak

This study examines the impact of qualifications and hiring advantages on women’s and minorities’ access to state government jobs, both in managerial and high-salary positions and overall. It also looks at how race and gender differences in representation have changed since 1990 and how they compare with the private sector. All groups, except Latino and Asian men, are more likely than White men to work for state governments, and all groups are more likely to do so than comparable White men. White men remain more likely to be managers and to earn top-decile salaries than comparable White women and people of color. Differences in education, experience, veteran status, and citizenship contribute, in different ways, to each group’s underrepresentation at top levels, but sizable unexplained gaps remain. The good news is that access to top jobs is better in state governments than in the private sector and has improved since 1990.


Author(s):  
Stuart Aveyard ◽  
Paul Corthorn ◽  
Sean O’Connell

Chapter 3 examines debates about controls on consumer credit from late 1957 to 1964. As in Chapter 2, this chapter provides a fresh appraisal of Labour’s response to the affluent society. The party attempted to outflank the Conservatives on the issue of consumer protection. It embarrassed the Conservatives over their sluggish response to the Molony Committee’s recommendations on hire purchase legislation. The chapter also supports previous analyses that have identified the strong impact of new consumerist groups, particularly the Consumers’ Association and the weakening role of the Cooperative Movement. The issue of credit controls became more contentious. The Radcliffe Committee on monetary policy (1958) highlighted the weaknesses of the system. Of particular concern was the impact of controls on consumer durable industries. They were removed in 1958, but reintroduced, in 1960, following a dangerous rise in consumer indebtedness.


Author(s):  
Andrew Ashworth ◽  
Julian V. Roberts

Sentencing represents the apex of the criminal process and is the most public stage of the criminal justice system. Controversial sentences attract widespread media coverage, intense public interest, and much public and political criticism. This chapter explores sentencing in the United Kingdom, and draws some conclusions with relevance to other common law jurisdictions. Sentencing has changed greatly in recent years, notably through the introduction of sentencing guidelines in England and Wales, and more recently, Scotland. However, there are still doubts about the fairness and consistency of sentencing practice, not least in the use of imprisonment. Among the key issues to be examined in this chapter are the tendency towards net-widening, the effects of race and gender, the impact of pleading guilty, the use of indeterminate sentences, the rise of mandatory sentences, and the role of the victim in the sentencing process. The chapter begins by outlining the methods by which cases come before the courts for sentencing. It then summarizes the specific sentences available to courts and examines current sentencing patterns, before turning to a more detailed exploration of sentencing guidelines, and of the key issues identified above. The chapter addresses two critical questions: What is sentencing (namely who exerts the power to punish)? Does sentencing in the UK measure up to appropriate standards of fairness and consistency?


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 630-630
Author(s):  
Glenn Perusek

For more than a generation, as the authors rightly point out, the impact of organized labor on electoral politics has been neglected in scholarly literature. Indeed, only a tiny minority of social scientists explicitly focuses on organized labor in the United States. Although the impact of the social movements of the 1960s appeared to heighten awareness of the importance of class, race, and gender, class and its organized expression, the union movement, has received less attention, while studies of race and gender have flourished.


Author(s):  
Charles W. Choi

An intergroup perspective in the legal context highlights the influence of group membership on the interaction between authorities and citizens. Social identity influences communication both in the field (e.g., police–civilian) and in the courtroom (e.g., juror deliberation). The research in the law enforcement context addresses trust in police officers, the communication accommodation between police and civilians, sociodemographic stereotypes impacting police–civilian encounters, the role of police media portrayals, and its influence on intergroup exchanges between police and civilians. Juries are inextricably influenced by group membership cues (e.g., race and gender), and differentiate those in the ingroup over the outgroup. The impact of stereotypes and intergroup bias is evident in the literature on jury decisions and the severity of punitive sentencing. These and other factors make the intergroup nature of the legal context significant, and they determine the interconnection between the parties involved. Specifically, the social identity approach brings focus to the biases, attributions, and overall evaluations of the perceived outgroup. The research indicates that diversity is necessary to alleviate the intergroup mindset, thereby encouraging a more interindividual viewpoint of those outgroup members.


Blood ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 108 (11) ◽  
pp. 5507-5507
Author(s):  
Andrew Artz ◽  
Bruce Robinson ◽  
Bruce Culleton ◽  
Cathy Critchlow ◽  
Angela Sciarra ◽  
...  

Abstract Anemia is a common condition among older NF residents that often has unidentified causes. CKD is common in older adults and frequently contributes to anemia. However, the association between declining kidney function and the prevalence and severity of anemia in NF residents has not been well characterized. We retrospectively analyzed the independent association of CKD and anemia among older residents in 372 NFs across the US. Any resident who was admitted to a NF between 01 Jan 2002 and 31 Dec 2003, was still active as of 31 Jan 2004, was ≥ 65 years of age, and had more than one serum creatinine (SCr) measurement and more than one hemoglobin (Hb) documented during the admittance period, was considered. Residents who had end-stage disease, were comatose, or were receiving dialysis were excluded. CKD was conservatively defined as an estimated glomerular filtration rate (eGFR) < 60 mL/min/1.73 m2 (MDRD equation). Anemia was defined using the WHO criteria for anemia (< 13 g/dL for men and < 12 g/dL for women). Regression analysis was used to determine the association between kidney function and Hb levels after adjusting for age, race, and gender. Of the 10315 residents identified, 6200 were eligible for this study: 85% (5291/6200) were white, 70% (4354/6200) were female, and the mean ± SD age was 83.1 ± 7.9 years. Anemia was found in 59.6% (3697/6200) residents as defined by the WHO criteria and CKD was present in 43.1% (2671/6200) residents. The odds of having anemia was 1.47 times greater (95% CI: 1.33, 1.63) for residents with CKD than those without CKD. The severity of anemia also increased with the presence and severity of CKD. The odds ratio increased to 1.65 (95% CI: 1.49, 1.84) after adjusting for age, race, and gender. Of those with CKD, 36.4% (972/2671) had a Hb < 11 g/dL, however, only 5.1% (50/972) and 25.4% (247/972) received erythropoiesis-stimulating protein (ESP) and iron therapies, respectively. Our data suggest CKD contributes to the high prevalence of anemia in older NF residents. These results reinforce the importance of evaluating kidney function and Hb level in older NF residents. Future studies evaluating the impact of anemia and benefits of anemia therapy are warranted in this setting.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik

Social policy matters have long been considered women’s issues. Extant research has documented a strong link between gender and the policies of the welfare state in the legislative, executive and electoral arenas. Yet what determines the strength of this association has largely been left unexplored. Drawing on tokenism theory, this article proposes gender diversity at the group level as a key explanatory factor. It hypothesizes that the gender gap in social policy diminishes as the female representation in a political party increases. To test this argument, it examines almost 8000 press releases issued by over 600 politicians during four election campaigns in Austria between 2002 and 2013. The analysis demonstrates that women talk more about social policy issues during election campaigns than men, but that this emphasis gap disappears for parties with a more equal gender balance. These results have important implications for our understanding of the politics of gender and social policy.


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