Dynastic Politics and the British Reformations, 1558-1630

Author(s):  
Michael Questier

This volume deals with royal dynastic politics during the post-Reformation period. The royal succession and the business of marriage into other royal and princely families were central to public politics. But the Reformation raised questions in some parts of Europe about how far hereditary right was necessarily the key to deciding the path of the succession, and whether other issues might not be taken into account in identifying where and with whom royal power should be located and whether the sovereign should, under certain circumstances, have to make concessions to particular readings of spiritual authority. In that context, the claim here is not only that the conventional historiography on the Reformation in the British Isles fits, as it obviously does, into that account of dynastic politics but also that the substantial archival and printed records relating to post-Reformation Catholicism of various kinds can be reintegrated into mainstream versions of English and British history during the period.

2002 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-226

The Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts (HMC) in its annual Accessions to Repositories exercise collects information relating to manuscript accessions from over 200 repositories and record offices throughout the British Isles. This information is then edited and used to produce a number of thematic digests which are distributed for publication in a wide range of learned journals and news sheets, as well as being published in full on the Commission's website (http://www.hmc.gov.uk). It is also added to the computerised indices to the National Register of Archives (NRA), which the Commission maintains as a central collecting point for information concerning the location of manuscript sources for British history outside of the public records. The NRA, which includes over 42,000 unpublished lists of archives, can be consulted in our public search room at Quality House, Quality Court, Chancery Lane, London WC2A 1HP, whilst the indices to the NRA are also available via the HMC website. The Commission's staff will also answer limited and specific enquiries by post, fax (020 7831 3550) and e-mail: [email protected] should note that dates for records in this digest are given when known, but that these are covering dates which are not necessarily intended to indicate the presence of records for all intervening years. Records have been included in the digest regardless of whether the deposit has yet been fully listed, and readers are advised to check with the staff of the relevant repository as to whether this, or any other factors, may prohibit availability for research.


1964 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 154-159
Author(s):  
P.J. Dunning

The purpose of this short communication is to call attention to an attempt to establish a definitive calendar of Pope Innocent III’s letters to Ireland, and also to indicate very briefly the value of those letters. The two chief ways in which papal letters have been transmitted are through originals or through copies. Copies of letters have survived in a variety of ways: in monastic or episcopal cartularies, in the rolls of royal chancery, in collections of canon law, but for this period mainly in the official papal registers.The dispersal of monastic archives during the Reformation period, together with the deliberate destruction of papal letters after 1536, partly explains why comparatively few original papal letters of medieval popes to the British Isles have survived. For Ireland, only five original letters of Innocent III are at present known to exist. Two of these are confirmations of property: one to the monastery of St Andrew of Stokes of its possessions in Ireland; and the other to the convent of Graney. The three remaining letters are connected with the peace settlement between Pope Innocent III and King John.


Author(s):  
Stéphane Jettot ◽  
Vincent Meyzie

Among many, one the Atlantic history’s achievements has been to reconnect the metropolis to their colonial territories. There is still much work to be done, notably in France where the scholarship has for long been divided between the ancient regime specialists and the colonial historians. John Pocock’s Atlantic Archipelago has been instrumental in the creation of a new British history, which looks out to the open seas. But in retrospect, the Atlantic turn also helps to form a new understanding of the relations between France and Britain. The notion of otherness that has been famously used by Linda Colley to describe the Anglo-British enmities was first used to describe relations between the Europeans and non-Europeans in a colonial context. Furthermore, connected and transnational histories that have been applied to the Atlantic are now put to good use to Franco-British case. Comparisons between bordering regions appear to be at least as significant as national entities. The growth of a more European outlook is also having an impact on the old Franco-British couple. Relocated in a wider continental context, their relations are no longer described as the long and straight duel dating back from the Middle Age. As the limits of a strictly national approach became more apparent, more attention has been dedicated to the cultural transfers and the multifaceted circulation of individuals and knowledge. While the existence of hostile sentiments was beyond doubt, there was a wide gamut of transactions that united the French, the English, the Irish, and the Scottish in one way or another. As for the large time span, it starts with two major political upheavals, the first British Revolution and the Fronde and ends with the Industrial and the French Revolutions, the famous “dual Revolution” vindicated by E. Hobsbawm, which could be felt from both sides of the English Channel up to the French Revolution. Although 1640 and 1789 are no longer seen as definitive watershed, they still constitute a convenient time frame to elaborate on a very dynamic subject.


Tempo ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 57 (223) ◽  
pp. 80-83
Author(s):  
Martin Anderson

I am no believer in historical determinism, nor am I a Scottish (or any other kind of) nationalist, but the fact that The Sixteen should commission James MacMillan to set anew the text used by Robert Carver in his 19-part motet O bone Jesu brings a profound satisfaction. No one else could have tidied up five-centuries-old loose ends as he. Carver (c. 1487–1566) was part of the dizzyingly rich flourishing of Scottish culture in the early years of the 16th century – a Catholic culture, doused by the dour sincerity of the Reformation (the MacTaliban, if you wish). MacMillan, a dry-eyed member of Scotland's Catholic minority, is the first composer since those days whose combination of faith and accomplishment allows him to pick up the glove torn from Carver's hand. His O bone Jesu – given its first public airing by The Sixteen under their founder-conductor Harry Chistophers at Southwark Cathedral on 10 October, at the outset of a year-long tour that takes them round the British Isles and to North America – may not quite reach Carver's Olympian heights (no other Scottish composer has achieved commensurate greatness) but it exploits a striking range of emotional reference nonetheless.


2000 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 587-591
Author(s):  
BRENDAN BRADSHAW

Karl Bottigheimer succeeds in consigning my study of the ‘English Reformation in Wales and Ireland’ to a genre of outmoded nationalist historiography by means of a distortingly reductionist account of it. In the first place, despite its title and large sections of the analysis, he assures the reader that its concern is simply the Reformation in Ireland. In fact it seeks to address a problem presented by the Reformation as a phase of what is variously called the ‘new British history’ or the ‘history of the Atlantic archipelago’, namely the contrasting outcome of the attempt to extend the state-sponsored reform of religion to the English crown's two Celtic borderland dominions, to Wales, where it succeeded, and to Ireland where it failed. Prima facie that outcome seems puzzling since it faced similar obstacles in both places, a deeply traditionalist society, remote from the intellectual currents that helped prepare the ground for the religious changes in England, and beyond the reach of effective government from the centre. Two questions arise therefore. How were these obstacles overcome in Wales, and since they proved surmountable there why not so in the case of Ireland?Second, Bottigheimer makes my explanation for the Irish outcome seem naively idealistic by representing it as attributing the failure totally to the pastoral zeal with which the Franciscan Observants campaigned against the change, and to the devotion of the Irish to ‘faith and fatherland’.


2020 ◽  
pp. 96-118
Author(s):  
Inna Rybalkina

Contemporaries describe the adoption of the Family Code of Morocco in 2004 as Moroccan women’s “velvet revolution”. One of the most advanced family codes of the Arab-Muslim world was adopted as a result of the complex relationship between the Royal power, Islamic traditionalists, secular parties and women’s associations. It has influenced the reform of similar sections of state legislation in other countries in the region. But it has not yet found its reflection in the works of Russian researchers in social history. The article attempts to consider a brief historical retrospective of the law, the main stages of its adoption and modern problems of its implementation in practice, the feminist movement struggle, the counteraction of powerful Islamic forces and traditional society’s overwhelming public opinion, including Moroccan women’s traditionalist convictions. The reformation of the Code under the influence of international legal documents and declarations was made possible by the country’s achievement of a certain level of the socio-economic basis and socio-political relations.


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