Making the Case in International Law

Author(s):  
William A. Schabas

Two French law professors, Ferdinand Larnaude and Albert de Lapradelle, prepare a report for their government on the legal issues involved in prosecuting the Kaiser, something that they recommend enthusiastically. The British set up a committee of experts that also studies the legal difficulties, recommending prosecution, although not unanimously. The French are mainly interested in atrocities perpetrated in the parts of their country that were occupied. The British focus on such issues as submarine warfare. Both groups of experts concur in dividing the types of charges that might be made against the Kaiser into waging a war of aggression, violating the treaties of neutrality, and unlawful conduct during the conflict, and believe Kaiser Wilhelm II cannot invoke immunity before an international tribunal.

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 674-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hunter Miller

The Conference for the Codification of International Law which met at The Hague from March 13 to April 12, 1930, was the first international conference specifically called for that purpose.In 1924 the League of Nations set up a Committee of Experts for the progressive codification of international law. The task of that committee was to select and propose for the first conference on codification a certain number of subjects within the field of international law. Three subjects, namely, Nationality, Territorial Waters and The Responsibility of States for Damage Caused in Their Territory to the Person or Property of Foreigners, were finally agreed on as the subjects to be considered by the first conference.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Roman Kolodkin

Normative propositions of the international courts, including these of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, are considered in the paper as provisions in the judicial decisions and advisory opinions, spelling out, formulating or describing international law norms, prescriptions, prohibitions or authorizations, which are applicable, in the court’s view, in the case at hand and the similar cases. Such a proposition is considered to be a description of a legal norm, its spelling out by a court, but not a norm or its source. In contrast with legal norms, judicial normative propositions are descriptive, not prescriptive; they may be true or wrong. Normative propositions are not transformed into norms solely by their repetition in judicial decisions. The author considers not only ITLOS decisions but also the Tribunal’s and its Seabed disputes chamber advisory opinions containing normative propositions to be subsidiary means for the determination of the rules of law under article 38(1(d)) of the International Court of Justice Statute. The legal reasoning of the Tribunal’s decision, not its operative provisions, usually features normative propositions. While strictly speaking, the decision addresses the parties of the dispute, normative propositions in the reasoning are in fact enacted by the Tribunal urbi et orbi aiming at all relevant actors, ITLOS including. They bear upon substantive and procedural issues, rights and obligations of relevant actors; they may also define legal notions. The Tribunal provides them as part of its reasoning or as obiter dictum. It is those provisions of the Tribunal’s decisions that are of particular importance for international law through detailing treaty- and verbalizing customary rules. However, the States that have the final and decisive say confirming or non-confirming the content and binding nature of the rules spelt out or described by the Tribunal in its normative propositions. Meanwhile, States are not in a hurry to publicly react to the judicial normative propositions, particularly to those of ITLOS, though they refer to them in pleadings or when commenting on the International Law Commission drafts. At times, States concerned argue that international judicial decisions are not binding for third parties. While the States are predominantly silent, ITLOS reiterates, develops and consolidates normative propositions, and they begin to be perceived as law. The paper also points to the possibility of the Tribunal’s normative propositions being not correct and to the role of the judges’ dissenting and separate opinions in identifying such propositions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 627-648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katayoun Shafiee

AbstractThe Iranian government's decision to nationalize its British-controlled oil industry in 1951 was a landmark case in international law. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and the Iranian government clashed over whether international authorities had the right to arbitrate for them in disputes over the terms of the oil concession. Scholarship in Middle East studies has overlooked the role of concession terms in shaping political disputes in the 20th century. Rather than seeing legal studies of the oil industry on one side and power struggles and resources on the other, this article examines international court proceedings at The Hague to argue that Anglo-Iranian oil transformed international law. Novel mechanisms of economic and legal governance, set up to deal with an expanded community of nation-states, worked as techniques of political power that equipped the oil corporation with the power to associate Iran's oil with foreign control while generating new forms of law and contract that undermined resource nationalism.


1998 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-273
Author(s):  

AbstractThe multi-year U.N. weapons inspection program in Iraq has encountered numerous difficulties. Its basic objectives have been to ascertain the extent of Iraq's atomic, biological, and chemical weapons, and ballistic missile systems, and then to undertake efforts designed to eliminate such and complicate that nation's ability to reconstruct that arsenal. A wide variety of legal issues surround the operation of the inspection program. Some of these arise from the seminal U.N. resolutions on the subject, and associated operational documents drafted by the Secretary-General, while others arise from the February 23, 1998, Memorandum of Understanding between Secretary Kofi Annan and the Iraqi government. In this article, six of the principal legal issues are subjected to analysis. It is suggested that ambiguity affects some, but not all of the issues. Nevertheless, the ambiguity that is extant, though presenting the potential for complex and unsettling difficulties, has permitted the development of an inspection regime unprecedented in international law.


Author(s):  
Dwi Sagita Akbar ◽  
Busyro Busyro ◽  
Afifi Fauzi Abbas

<em>In order to offer a transformative discourse Abdullah Ahmad An-Na'im build a method he called with the evolution of Shari'ah (abrogated). According to him the method can respond to contemporary issues at this time. Because he assumed that abrogating is one of the principal methods and has a wide and high complexity in theology and fiqh (jurisprudence) of Islam. He tries to deconstruct abrogated method and also some methods of ijtihad that had been considered settled by the classical scholar. Abdullah Ahmad An-Na'im radically have done repeated studies against the epistimologi Islamic law as well as the mereformulasi return and customize it with the standard of human rights as well as international law as a benchmark. The method developed by Abdullah Ahmad An-Na'im, he stated three important things that need to be done to realize the abrogating. Text, values of humanity, and logic. He also overestimated human rights, so that a text (paragraph) may be enforced in accordance with human rights. In order to answer the legal issues of contemporary Islam.   </em>


2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Foulkes

This article critically analyses the Immigration (Mass Arrivals) Amendment Bill 2012 currently before Parliament, which purports to deal with the potential mass arrival by sea of asylum seekers. The article first sets the legislation in its domestic and international law context as well as empirically comparing the changes with those recently enacted in Canada and Australia. The purported purposes of the legislation are examined by the article and it is seen that each of these are fraught with legal difficulties. Four major substantive changes the Bill would introduce are then outlined. In relation to the purposes of the legislation, New Zealand's domestic and international legal framework, and in comparison with similar regimes in Australia and Canada, this article concludes that the proposed New Zealand legislation is questionable in terms of both purpose and likely efficacy.


1998 ◽  
Vol 38 (325) ◽  
pp. 671-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Claude Roberge

After years of relentless effort and five weeks of intense and difficult negotiations, the Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was adopted and opened for signature in Rome on 17 July 1998. This historic event represents a major step forward in the battle against impunity and towards better respect for international humanitarian law. For too long it has been possible to commit atrocities with total impunity, a situation which has given perpetrators carte blanche to continue such practices. The system of repression established by international law clearly has its shortcomings, and the time has come to adopt new rules and set up new institutions to ensure the effective prosecution of international crimes. A criminal court, whether at the national or international level, does not put a stop to crime, but it may serve as a deterrent and, consequently, may help reduce the number of victims. The results achieved in Rome should thus be welcomed, in the hope that the new Court will be able to discharge its mandate to the full.


2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 827-840
Author(s):  
John Philpot

On November 8,1994, the Security Council of the United Nations adopted Resolution 955 creating an ad hoc international criminal tribunal to judge individuals responsible for violations of international humanitarian law committed in Rwanda between January 1, 1994 and December 31, 1994. In its form and structure, the Tribunal does not respect basic legal requirements required of a tribunal set up in international law. Us mandate - limited in time, in scope of potential indictment, and in jurisdiction to violations of international humanitarian law - mil prevent any light from being shed on the real issue raised by the Rwandan conflict, namely that of armed military intervention in Rwanda from Uganda. It will likely lead to the reinforcement of a one-sided view of the crisis in Rwanda and legitimate further unilateral interventionist policies in Africa and elsewhere. The Tribunal will institutionalize the de facto impunity for the members and supporters of the present government of Rwanda who undoubtedly committed many serious crimes between October 1, 1990 and the present.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document