The Deaths of the Republic

Author(s):  
Brian Walters

This book examines imagery of the body politic in the works of Cicero and his contemporaries and explores its impact on the politics of Rome in the first century BCE. Emphasis throughout is on the ideological underpinnings of such images and their uses as a means of persuasion. Chapter 1 reads the well-known fable of Menenius Agrippa as a paradigm for late-republican invocations of the embodied state. Chapter 2 examines imagery of disease and healing, focusing especially on connections with political violence. Chapter 3 considers claims of wounding and mutilating the republic. Chapter 4 explores references to the body politic’s demise in invective and consolations. Political oratory provides much of the evidence of these chapters, but is everywhere supplemented by other sources. Chapter 5 historicizes prior discussions by focusing on a single controversial image, that of murdering the fatherland, in the aftermath of Caesar’s assassination.

2020 ◽  
pp. 77-100
Author(s):  
Brian Walters

Chapter 4 examines claims in republican oratory and letters that the body politic was dead, dying, or would have died, if not for some timely intervention. To some degree, invocations of the republic’s death overlap with the images of wounding and disease explored in earlier chapters, to which at least a few are directly connected. The suggestion of urgency and permanence and the complex emotional resonances evoked by death, however, also often impart meanings of their own. References to the body politic’s demise are particularly common not only in invective but also in consolatory contexts, as Cicero’s letters to and from friends in the period of the civil wars (from 49 to 45 BCE) and Caesar’s dictatorship poignantly show. Common assumptions that Rome’s republic ought to have been undying lent further significance to statements about the political body’s death.


2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 161-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry N. George

The Greek words `pharmakon' and `pharmakos' allude to the complex relations between political violence and the health or disorder of the body politic. This article explores analogies of war as disease and contagion, and contrasts these with metaphors of war as politically healthy and medicinal - as in Randolph Bourne's notion of war as `the health of the state'. It then applies these to the unfolding US `War on Terrorism' through the concept of `pharmacotic war', by way of examining the disturbing political implications of both unfolding US military actions abroad and the scapegoating of internal `enemies' within the United States. The article then critiques various strategies for interrupting the momentum towards a catastrophic `clash of civilizations' between the US and the Islamic world, and proposes a strategy of broadly based, grassroots political mobilization for opposing this trend.


Author(s):  
Brian Walters

Chapter 1 explores the legendary fable in which Menenius Agrippa (or Manius Valerius Maximus) compared the Roman state to a body to win over the sympathies of the rebellious plebs. The fable is read as offering a pattern for nearly all surviving discourse of the republican body politic, in which perceptions of crisis provoke an account of a dysfunctional political body. The fable is also shown to embed a number of central assumptions and anxieties about harmony, order, and discord that are common to references to the body politic. Bodily anatomy and composition and historiographic commonplaces about moral and physical degeneration are also examined. Observations provide a foundation for the discussions of subsequent chapters.


Author(s):  
David Alexander

This article considers how corruption affects the management of disaster mitigation, relief, and recovery. Corruption is a very serious and pervasive issue that affects all countries and many operations related to disasters, yet it has not been studied to the degree that it merits. This is because it is difficult to define, hard to measure and difficult to separate from other issues, such as excessive political influence and economic mismanagement. Not all corruption is illegal, and not all of that which is against the law is vigorously pursued by law enforcement. In essence, corruption subverts public resources for private gain, to the damage of the body politic and people at large. It is often associated with political violence and authoritarianism and is a highly exploitative phenomenon. Corruption knows no boundaries of social class or economic status. It tends to be greatest where there are strong juxtapositions of extreme wealth and poverty. Corruption is intimately bound up with the armaments trade. The relationship between arms supply and humanitarian assistance and support for democracy is complex and difficult to decipher. So is the relationship between disasters and organized crime. In both cases, disasters are seen as opportunities for corruption and potentially massive gains, achieved amid the fear, suffering, and disruption of the aftermath. In humanitarian emergencies, black markets can thrive, which, although they support people by providing basic incomes, do nothing to reduce disaster risk. In counties in which the informal sector is very large, there are few, and perhaps insufficient, controls on corruption in business and economic affairs. Corruption is a major factor in weakening efforts to bring the problem of disasters under control. The solution is to reduce its impact by ensuring that transactions connected with disasters are transparent, ethically justifiable, and in line with what the affected population wants and needs. In this respect, the phenomenon is bound up with fundamental human rights. Denial or restriction of such rights can reduce a person’s access to information and freedom to act in favor of disaster reduction. Corruption can exacerbate such situations. Yet disasters often reveal the effects of corruption, for example, in the collapse of buildings that were not built to established safety codes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nada Mustafa Ali

Abstract:The first two decades of the twenty-first century witnessed expanded digital connectivity, with important political implications, evident in the way activists used Facebook and Twitter to mobilize for political change in North Africa and beyond in 2010/2011, and in Sudan, including in 2018 and 2019. These platforms are also often sites where women may articulate narratives on the body and the body politic. Through digital ethnographic research, this study explores social and cultural narratives on everyday body aesthetics that Sudanese women articulate in selected groups on Facebook. I argue that the role some of these groups played in organizing civil disobedience in Sudan in November 2016 disrupts the binary inherent in the question:Nairat or Thairat?


Author(s):  
Julia Peetz

In politics, embodiment, figured as a literal connection between a national leader’s body and the nation as a whole, implies that the fates of leader and nation are linked; a decline in the leader’s body signals a corresponding decline in the national body politic. This concrete, physical idea of embodiment emerged from a context of absolutist monarchical power and has been most influentially described in Ernst Kantorowicz’s The King’s Two Bodies as both theological and premodern. Nevertheless the temptation persists to describe the power and influence populists hold over their followers in the contemporary moment in just this way. Focusing on the specific context of US presidential politics, this chapter questions whether ideas of literal embodiment can usefully explain how populist politics operates through performance. With regard to the ways in which we interpret the significance of politicians’ bodies in twenty-first-century US politics, the chapter explores the process through which premodern political embodiment was supplanted by more abstractly conceived political representation. It is argued that, rather than postulating a radical break between mainstream politics and the mode of representation that is enacted by populists, explorations of embodiment need to take into account historical continuities as politicians’ embodied performances engage with the collective memory of political audiences and thereby complicate processes of political representation. As such, embodiment must be understood as one of the central repertoires of affective, metalingual engagement through which performances in contemporary politics act upon political audiences.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document