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2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Svitlychnyy Oleksandr ◽  

In recent years, Ukraine has received not only new legislation, a new regulator, but also a new National Intellectual Property Authority. On the initiative of the Ministry of Economy of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine 13.10.2020 № 1267-r, in pursuance of subparagraph 1 of paragraph 7 of section II «Final and transitional provisions» of the Law of Ukraine of 16.06.2020 № 703-IX «On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine on the Establishment of a National Intellectual Property Authority» determined that the state enterprise «Ukrainian Institute of Intellectual Property» performs the functions of the National Intellectual Property Authority. Given that the state structures considered six options for the formation of a new national body, the definition of a temporary state enterprise «Ukrainian Institute of Intellectual Property» as the National Intellectual Property Authority, on the one hand was the best solution, and on the other, the intellectual property protection system to some laws of Ukraine on the establishment of a national intellectual property body, has undergone significant changes, which could not affect the entire system of intellectual property protection in the state. Keywords: intellectual property, legislation, reorganization, national authority, system, structure


Author(s):  
Elena Shishparonok

According to research different countries have unique experiences in solving ethical conflicts. The current study characterized the current situation of media regulation in the UK as a crisis, since two similar regulators function instead of one single national body. The Independent Press Standards Organization (IPSO) oversees most national newspapers, while the Independent Monitor for the Press (IMPRESS) deals with local and regional publications. The analysis of the Guardian`s articles from 2014 to 2021 on media regulation showed that after the Press Complaints Commission was closed the Guardian didn`t accept IPSO`s protection and worked out its own self-regulatory scheme. The journalists perceive that IPSO repeats the PCC`s mistake and is far from being an independent regulator. The study found that IPSO is not sufficiently resolute and consistent in upholding standards when it comes to major British publications. IPSO refused to accept the jurisdiction of Press Recognition Panel (PRP) that controls if regulators meet certain requirements (39 Criteria). The main advantage of IMPRESS is that it still exists on the basis of grants and voluntary contributions. It is not financially dependent on the media industry and has received an approval of the PRP. IMPRESS deals mostly with local papers so it has no big influence on a national scale. The study found few cases of IMPRESS activities in “The Guardian”. Technologies pose new regulatory issues. A strict system of internal regulation in some publications is an interesting example in this sphere. “The Guardian” has 20 years of experience in such work.


2021 ◽  
pp. 745-763
Author(s):  
Ceren Özgül

This chapter argues that the supposed binary of a secular state and popular Islam is inadequate as a tool of analysis if we are to understand how religion has become a prominent category of both privilege and exclusion in Turkish society. Specifically, it contends that successive Turkish governments have privileged Sunni Islam as national identity. To build this argument, the chapter follows two parallel threads. The first analyses the ethnic and religious homogenization of the national body with a particular emphasis on violence against non-Muslim and non-Sunni groups. The second shows how, within the larger historical context of modernization theory, Cold War politics, and the post-9/11 promotion of moderate Islam, successive Turkish governments worked towards maintaining Sunni Muslim privilege while continuously expanding the category of enemies of the Turkish nation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-26
Author(s):  
Kristina Dzara ◽  
Brittany Star Hampton ◽  
Maya Hammoud ◽  
Lori R. Berkowitz

Background: Vice Chairs for Education play an increasingly important role in academic medicine. They often serve in supportive roles overseeing educational initiatives and faculty development, ensuring that education remains prioritized. Literature in this area is limited, especially in obstetrics and gynecology. Prior literature has not been sufficiently directive in identifying best practices in role, mission, and scope for Vice Chairs for Education. Methods: We developed and facilitated a workshop at the Association of Professors of Gynecology and Obstetrics - Council on Resident Education in Obstetrics and Gynecology (APGO-CREOG) annual meeting in February 2020. We brought together a national group of medical education faculty to elucidate the role of Vice Chairs and offer recommendations. After utilizing a previously described technique for gathering and reporting group recommendations, notes from small- and large-group discussions were collated, coded, and collapsed. Results: Four broad recommendations resulted. First, role clarity must be ensured, ideally with co-developed guidelines for responsibility. Second, the Vice Chair for Education should be charged with identifying departmental educational initiatives, including faculty development, utilizing best educational practices. Third, Vice Chairs for Education should implement and evaluate educational initiatives to enhance faculty well-being and promote a robust clinical learning environment. Finally, they should integrate with other Vice Chairs for Education within their institution and as part of national organizations to collaborate and develop best practices. Conclusion: These serve as guidelines to establish success and increase impact and suggest the potential for a national body of Vice Chairs for Education leaders to improve local and national educational outcomes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 654-663
Author(s):  
K. K. Abu Amero

Although Saudi medical laboratories have developed enormously over the past 25 years, the absence of a national body for medical laboratory accreditation has meant the number of accredited laboratories [seven] remains low. Of these, five are accredited by the College of American Pathologists’ Laboratory Accreditation Program [LAP] -the ‘gold standard’ of laboratory accreditation. It requires successful performance in the College of American Pathologists’ proficiency testing programme as well as passing on-site inspections carried out by practising laboratory technicians, after which the laboratory is accredited for a 2-year period. This article gives an insight into the current situation of laboratory accreditation in Saudi Arabia and an updated overview of the process involved in obtaining laboratory accreditation from the College of American Pathologists


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
L. L. Wynn

When pathogens and their movement between people cannot be seen, we imagine them. That imagined menagerie—imaginerie—of infection then becomes associated with marginal others whose bodies and actions become popularly conflated with disease and its transmission. This essay explores how methods of imagining and managing the COVID-19 pandemic in Australia echoed historical scripts for policing borders and containing the bodies of outsiders deemed threats to the national body.


Author(s):  
Stavroula Pipyrou

At a global level, the last two decades have consistently witnessed the encroachment of right-wing rhetoric and anti-minority logos, with several states clearly promoting a discourse of fear of minorities. Seeing minorities either as the ‘enemy within’ or a political necessity that must be endured, states are sceptical in how they recognise or incorporate minority identities that threaten ideologies of national homogeneity. Adopting an anthropological perspective and having engaged in long-term research on minorities in Greece and Italy, I argue that the state selectively recognises minority traits that are deemed ‘secure’ enough to be incorporated into the national body of policies and governance in what I term opportunistic narcissism; the process of highlighting minority differences, territorialising them, and finally claiming them for the national corpus.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taylor N. Johnson

Environmental decision-making scholars have attended closely to the role of publics and counterpublics in environmental controversies. However, this body of work has undertheorized the ways that Indigeneity may complicate access to or desirability of American publicity as a driving force in environmental advocacy. Inclusion within the American national body both functions as an advocacy tool for Native people and as a colonial discourse that may undermine sovereignty goals. Through a critical rhetorical analysis of documents at the center of the controversy over Bears Ears National Monument, this essay explicates the deployment of American publicity both to support and to undermine Native advocacy for the Monument. Scholars of rhetoric and environmental decision-making must re-orient toward publicity in a way that accounts for settler colonialism and decolonization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-51
Author(s):  
Vida Syahmitalia ◽  
◽  
Zaenal Arifin ◽  
Rusmanto Rusmanto ◽  

Diagnostic Reference Level (DRL) is a tool for optimizing radiation protection for patients. DRL is also applied to the general radiographic modality of the Anterior-Posterior (AP) and Lateral (LAT) lumbar spine examination. This study aims to determine and analyze provincial and national DRL values that are useful as a reference for general radiographic examination of the Lumbar Spine AP and LAT. Using Si-INTAN secondary data starting with grouping and eliminating ESAK values, determining the national body mass reference, calculating the second quartile value (Q2) for local DRL, and third quartile (Q3) for provincial and national. National DRL on this result was also compared regarding DRL in previous studies. The results of this study indicate the DRL values of several provinces in Indonesia on general radiographic examination of the lumbar spine (AP and LAT), namely Banten 4.31 mGy and 7.88 mGy, DKI Jakarta 6.13 mGy and 5.40 mGy, Jambi 1.88 mGy, West Java 2.54 mGy and 4.18 mGy, Central Java 3.25 mGy and 5.81 mGy, Riau Islands 4.19 mGy and 6.78 mGy, Riau 4.31 mGy and 5.90 mGy, Sulawesi Central 2.15 mGy and 9.57 mGy, North Sumatera 1.04 mGy and 2.90 mGy, and national 4.31 mGy and 7.05 mGy. The difference in DRL values is influenced by exposure parameters, the expertise of related human resources, and the patient’s body mass.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-57
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Garcia Boscatti

This research aims to understand the process that led to the consecration of the butt as a cultural product at a time when the mass culture in Brazil was expanding and the military-corporate dictatorship consolidated the political regime of heterosexuality. The transformations in the visibility status of the city of Rio de Janeiro, which followed the strengthening of mass tourism, allowed that the female body incarnated in a carioca incorporated new models of Brazilianness. In this context, the butt emerged as a possible sign as well as an agent of history, since it mediated an economy of gender, race, class, and sexuality that circulated through consumption. This visual economy favored new biopolitical models that negotiated the evolution of national “nature” through the perfect body. In this sense, this article seeks to map out regulatory models and to expose the structures of power and knowledge that sought to produce regimes of truth about the national body. Supported by elements of mass culture (goods, images, services, etc.) this work investigates the ways through which the butt was co-opted by power as a part of Brazilian visual culture, supporting the global commercialization of Brazilian bioesthetics.


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