Is There a ‘Dispositional Modality’?

2019 ◽  
pp. 183-211
Author(s):  
Mark Sinclair

This chapter returns to the modal sense of Ravaisson’s notion of inclination. It assesses Stephen Mumford and Rani Lil Anjum’s argument that powers, as inherently a function of tendency or inclination, have a modal status irreducible to more familiar notions of necessity or possibility. The chapter assesses their appeal to voluntary agency in the light of Maine de Biran’s critical response to Hume’s sceptical account of agency. It shows how Mumford and Anjum’s official conception of tendency is restricted by their inheritance of a tradition focusing on the possibility of prevention and interference in a process. Such an approach, I argue, will only ever justify an idea of conditional necessity rather than any modal value wholly irreducible to necessity, although the idea of a ‘dispositional modality’ is a useful corrective to Ravaisson’s resort to a Leibnizian notion of moral necessity when attempting to reflect on tendency and inclination.

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-134
Author(s):  
Keller Sean

"In den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten wurde die Dominanz des Zeichnens für die Architektur von einer ganzen Reihe von digitalen Repräsentationstechniken verdrängt. Der Beitrag stellt eine kritische Antwort auf Mario Carpos These dar, dieser Wandel bringe Architektur zu einer »autographischen« Praxis zurück, die noch vor die Renaissance zurückreiche. Demgegenüber argumentiert der Beitrag, dass Architektur nach dem Modell von Rosalind Kraus als post-medium art (»postmediale Kunst«) gedacht werden sollte. </br></br>Over the last two decades drawing has been displaced from its dominant role in architecture by a range of computational representations. This article offers a critical response to Mario Carpo's recent argument that this shift returns architecture to an 〉autographic〈 mode of practice not seen since before the Renaissance. In contrast, I suggest that architecture today should be thought of through Rosalind Krauss's model of a post-medium art. "


2019 ◽  
pp. 247-284
Author(s):  
م.د.فاتن محمد رزاق

The concept of tolerance is gaining its importance in the midst of an international society suffering from violence, wars and internal and international crises. It is practiced by extremist and extremist forces and movements acting in the name of religion to exclude the different Muslim and non-Muslim people according to the unethical practices and methodologies of Islamic law and reality. , Cultural, civilization .. that distinguish our world today. The society today is suffering from the ideas of the intellectual and aesthetic views of the different ideologically, ethnically, culturally and religiously in the world of the South. This is what the end-of-history thesis of Fukuyama and the clash of civilizations represented to Huntington. Therefore, it is necessary to confront these extremist and extremist ideas and behaviors. Peace, security and freedom in the international community of justice and equality, needs to be addressed intellectual, cultural, moral and political before they are legal, these treatments are based on dialogue and cooperation and trust and respect and mutual recognition and tolerance so we find the importance of tolerance to The international community is concerned about the need for mechanisms that confront terrorism and violence with an ideology based on respect for the right of diversity, diversity and pluralism. Accordingly, tolerance is a political, cultural and moral necessity based on international legal foundations represented by the United Nations. Through its conferences, declarations and international resolutions issued by it and its specialized agencies, culminating in the Universal Declaration of Tolerance and the International Day of International Peace, and the political foundations represented by democracy and global citizenship that respects all identities and seeks to respect the rights of other identities under the umbrella of international identity Nsanhuahdh respects everyone, a society with a humanitarian goal of a global civil and Ahdlaaaraf borders and the identity of certain Qomahdolh, cultural and educational foundations through plans and programs with educational encourage a spirit of tolerance and world peace. The study was divided into three topics: the first dealt with the concept of tolerance and world peace, and the second topic dealt with the impact of international law and citizenship. In the promotion of world peace "as one of the elements of global tolerance. The last topic included" the role of democracy and education education "in the promotion of world peace and concluded the study by conclusion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Boyd Cothran

Abstract This article considers the event of a single year, 1873, to explain how President Ulysses S. Grant’s federal Indian policy led to the Indian wars of the late nineteenth century. Some historians have argued that Grant’s so-called Peace Policy failed due to systemic mismanagement and corruption; others have suggested it was due to administrative incompetence or ambivalence, while still others have accused the administration of cynicism in its approach to Indigenous affairs. This article argues that the Peace Policy reflected the unresolved tensions inherent in the era’s zeitgeist and that it failed to usher in a lasting peace because it did not account for the enmeshed reality of life in the American West where the boundaries and borders between Indian reservations and settler communities were entangled to say the least. The article begins with a detailed consideration of the Grant administration’s Indian policy as articulated by Francis Amasa Walker in the winter of 1872–73. Largely overlooked by historians of post–Civil War Indian policy, Walker was an influential thinker in his day whose policy recommendations emphasized the moral necessity of proprietary individualism and racial segregation on isolated reservations. The article then turns to the unfolding drama of the Modoc War (1872–73) to explore why the federal government abandoned the project of peacefully incorporating Indigenous people into the body politic, leading to a harsher and more militant approach to Indian affairs. By focusing on the nexus of ideas and events as they played out at this critical historical juncture, this article argues that the Modoc War was the precipitating event that marked the end of Grant’s so-called Peace Policy and the resumption of the Indian wars in the decades following the Civil War.


Author(s):  
Tania Pearce ◽  
Lyndal Bugeja ◽  
Sarah Wayland ◽  
Myfanwy Maple

Despite high rates of critical incidents (CIs) in working class occupations, there is a significant gap in our understanding of responses to these events. In this study, we aimed to inform a response training module by synthesising the key elements of pre-, during- and post-incident responses to CIs and suicide in the workplace. A rapid review identified studies on responses to CIs or suicide deaths in the workplace published between January 2015 and June 2020. A systematic search of six databases (Medline, CINAHL, PsycINFO, Sociology Collection, Academic Search and Business Search Complete) and grey literature was performed. Studies were excluded if the focus was on non-colleagues. Two reviewers independently conducted record screening, a review of the full text and assessed study quality. The existing evidence was synthesised and interventions were categorised using Haddon’s Matrix. Five studies were included, reporting on CIs across a range of workplace settings, including railways, factories, police and military, along with external critical response units. Overall, study quality was assessed as being poor. Most of the evidence focused on the pre-incident and post-incident stage. There is little evidence on responses to CIs in the workplace. Evidence-based education and training is necessary to establish organisational responses to assist with supporting workers exposed to workplace CIs.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019145372199070
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Rustighi

In this article, I engage with what relevant literature addresses as the ‘paradox of democracy’ and trace it back to the dialectic between authorization and representation established by social contract theories. To make my argument, I take Rousseau’s Social Contract as a paradigmatic example of the paradox and analyse it in light of Hegel’s critical response. My aim is to show that, although Rousseau rejects the idea of representing the popular will, representation resurfaces in his Republic from top to bottom and engenders a structural opposition between citizens and rulers: drawing on the Hegelian scrutiny of contractarianism, I focus on three key moments in Rousseau’s theory, namely the Lawgiver, the majority rule and the executive power. After illustrating how the social contract undermines democratic participation in deliberative processes, I suggest that Hegel’s philosophy of right overcomes the paradox by positively assuming it as a dialectical contradiction that requires a specific constitutional approach to democracy. In this sense, I argue, the Hegelian perspective on democratic deliberation helps us to better frame Rousseau’s ambition to conceive the Republic as a free community of equals and urges us to elaborate a more coherent understanding of participation in a pluralistic society.


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